other purpose? and when the general welfare has been consulted in any other way, and money is spent for the object, must it at once be pronounced unconstitutional? And is it always to be so? Cannot mankind learn a lesson,- that it is equally as safe, as pleasant, and as satisfactory, to treat one another as friends and brothers, as it is to be constantly fighting, and making it their boast they have been the cause of the death of thousands, and have made tens of thousands widows and orphans? We are aware, if slavery is continued, there is no alternative. If one half of our countrymen mean to imbrute and enslave the other half, we must be kept in a constant state of bloody excitement. Fightings among ourselves can never cease a good portion of our community, as has lately been proposed by our late secretary of war, Mr. Poinsett, must be kept constantly ready for service, and to shoulder their muskets to maintain a system of outrage against human nature. cannot but suppose this suggestion of his arose from the fear entertained by the holders of human beings as property. The slaveholders, knowing that the position they hold is one wholly opposed to a peaceful state of society, and that they cannot maintain their position but by brute force, consequently are willing to forego all the blessings, peace brings in its train, in order to enjoy a brief hour of tyranny and oppression. We stop not here to inquire how utterly at variance, in the manner of providing for the common defence and general welfare, these ideas are with those enter

We

tained by the people of the country who gave their sanction to the Constitution; but we do say here, we hope the American people will never submit to such a departure from the State right principles of that day as to raise such a standing army, but be more jealous than they ever have been for the liberties they now enjoy.

Mr. Madison coincided with Gov. Randolph respecting the reserved rights of the States, and observed,

"I was struck with surprise when I heard him express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if they should ever attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? There is no power to warrant it in that paper. If there be, I know it not. But why should it be done? Says the honorable gentleman, for the general welfare; it will infuse strength into our system. Can any member of this committee suppose that it will increase our strength? Can any one believe that the American councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the affections of five thirteenths of the Union? Why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? I believe such an idea never entered into an American breast, nor do I believe it ever will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons."

Does Mr. Madison here deny that the power given in the general welfare is not ample? No! it only never entered his mind that a general emancipation could ever be for the general welfare.

Elliot's Reports, vol. ii. p. 452.

He could not conceive how a general emancipation could increase the strength of the country. But if it could be proved it would be for the general welfare, that strength would be infused into the system, that it would not strip them of property, but even make their real property more valuable, and would allay the heart-burnings which slavery has already engendered, and must continue so to do, what then would be his answer? But he says he sees no power in that paper to warrant a general emancipation, and "if it was exercised it would be an usurpation ;" and "that such an idea never entered an American breast, and that it never would enter into the head of any gentlemen but those who substituted unsupported suspicions for reasons." But such an idea did enter the head of Patrick Henry; it has entered into the heads of other gentlemen, and we trust it will enter into the heads of more than it has already. For what did the American people form a Constitution? What was the object? Was it simply that they might declare war, regulate commerce, and coerce money from the pockets of the people to pay the debts of a general government for performing these acts? Has the general government, we repeat, nothing else to do but to keep a standing military force, to establish custom-houses along our coasts, keep a register of our vessels, and then pay the men for doing this business? and that the doing any thing for the general welfare, the securing liberty to ourselves and our posterity were idle dreams, and that the person who could suppose

such could have been the object of any one of that day, or in coming time, were only those "who substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons?" We will admit the paying the debts of that day was pretty important; and if it takes two thousand dollars to collect an hundred, as it is reported to have done for the past few years in the State of Maine, and paying forty millions of dollars to hunt fugitive slaves in Florida during the same term, the necessity of paying the debts contracted in our own time will become equally as important as it was then. But we believe the American people had some other object in view; they did mean the general government should have it in their power to promote the general welfare when that welfare could be clearly ascertained. True, there may be a great difference of opinion what may be for the general welfare; but when any thing for it could be clearly pointed out, then it could be carried into effect, if the liberty of the individual was not infringed upon; but the moment that was done their power ceased, because it was to secure this liberty they declare was one of the objects for forming this Constitution. This the people understood; it was to this they gave their sanction. Mr. Zedekiah Johnston - and his name should be kept in remembrance for the ideas he entertained and expressed-understood it so; and he, for one, was willing that slavery should be made to cease. We hope he has some descendants left in Virginia; and, if they entertain his opinions, we do not care how many are scattered over the

Southern States. We trust an army of such men will appear there before long.

The people, if we are correct, consented to the Constitution, on the principle that individual rights were secured, and on no other; and, when any thing could be done, consistently with those rights, for the general welfare, it was in the power of congress to do it. Congress has exercised this right in purchasing Louisiana, establishing a bank, in giving bounties to fishermen, in making a Cumberland road, in fitting out an exploring expedition, &c. &c. True, the right of doing so has been denied, yet, in some shape or other, this right has been exercised, from the time the Constitution was adopted to the present moment. It is not, however, our plan here to give opinions on this subject, but simply to state facts. If, then, congress has exercised the right, under the sanction of the government and of the people, in assisting a valuable class of citizens, &c. &c. may she not interfere, and protect one sixth of our population from being deprived of all their rights? The experiment, at least, of sustaining them in those rights, to ascertain whether the negro, the colored man, the slave, has not as much ability of sustaining himself as the fowls of the air, or the beasts of the field? whether God has not made the human species when it possesses a dark skin, capable of taking care of themselves? whether, when the hue of the skin varies from the whiteness of the snow, mankind then become savages, thieves, robbers, murderers? that they then possess not the principles