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all ages, distinguished themselves as the lovers of their species. For, let us consider, if slavery should be abolished in this country, it undoubtedly would soon be in all parts of the world. Let but America use the same determination to put a stop to slavery that England is now doing, and the traffic in slaves and the using of slave labor would soon cease in every land.

CHAPTER IX.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVENTION OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA, ON THE

ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

THE proceedings in this State, as well as those in Massachusetts, are highly interesting. The members who composed these two conventions were among the most distinguished men of the land. It undoubtedly was through the influence of these men that the Constitution was brought forward, and finally adopted. They appear to have taken extensive and enlarged views on the science of government, and to have weighed, with as much exactness as appeared in their power, the various evils and advantages to be feared and to be derived from the adoption of that instrument. History was ransacked for examples and for similitudes; objections to former governments were pointed out, and, if possible, were to be avoided. The powers given to the present government were scanned with eagle eyes; no point escaped their observation. The bearing of its different provisions was looked into, its implied powers were commented on with a great deal of ability, and no stone appeared to be left unturned that seemed, in any manner, to conceal a grant that would invest too

much power in the hands of those who should be called upon to govern. They seemed to be conscious they were legislating, not for themselves alone, but for posterity,- for millions yet unborn. In the convention of Virginia, the discussion extended over a wide field. Patrick Henry took a part in opposition to the Constitution: he exerted his utmost eloquence to prevent its adoption; he thought it was fraught with evil; he was fearful it would result in a monarchy; he thought there was too much power given to the executive, the legislature, and the courts; he thought the Confederation was good enough, that the States and the country were getting along well enough, though the Confederation needed some amendments. He was zealous for state rights; he was anxious they should not relinquish those rights to a federal head; but they should depend on themselves, rather than on external powers for government. In fact, he seemed to think all government was a necessary evil; he therefore was jealous, extremely so, of any authority, either expressed or implied; and he kept that convention in a continued ferment and discussion upon the various principles involved in the instrument proposed for their adoption. Marshall, Madison, Randolph, Grayson, Nicholason, Mason, and others, put forth their utmost powers, either in support of, or in opposition to, the views entertained by Mr. Henry. Their discussions were consequently long and arduous; they, however, were full of interest, as they show very distinctly the character and feel

or not.

ings of the men of that age. In these we find strength, firmness, uprightness, consistency, and inconsistency; a desire to do right, and yet a fearful want of faith to do it; a knowledge of their position, and yet an incomprehensible indeterminateness whether they should perform their duty Like Felix of old, they trembled ; and yet they wished to put off the day of repentance to a more distant period. On the subject of slavery, they seemed to be well aware of its utter inconsistency with their professions, and the laws they would make; it was on this subject alone that the sincerity of their acts can be called in question. They thought themselves, or at least pretended they were, placed between two fires, and that it was dangerous to advance or retreat. The same honest or dishonest, real or pretended, fears that exist at the present day were manifested; consequently, many of the Southern as well as the Northern delegates wished things to remain as they were, and let time work out a cure. But, fearing the love of liberty was too strong, and that there was a power in embryo, that, if this instrument went into operation, would lay their fancied possessions in the dust, all the delegated powers were looked upon with jealousy by those who did not wish to have the relation of master and slave destroyed. The powers of the courts were scanned and commented on; and, from what we can gather, the opposition made by Mr. Henry to this tribunal. was because, in part, he feared what might be its decision, if the case of the slave was brought before

it for adjudication.

But, because a slave was taxed

but as three fifths of a man, one thought congress viewed them as property, and not as persons, and consequently they might escape. But, as the convention would not allow the slave to be represented till his humanity was allowed, and as no legislature can turn a man into a brute, or a brute into a man, or can convert the soul of man into a chattel personal, into a thing without life or motion, so, whatever any body of men may say respecting him, he yet remains the same; he is ruled by the same spirit, is under the same laws to his God, and is equally morally responsible to him for his conduct, and, as was remarked, equally so to human tribunals; and, if he violated the laws of society in any of its moral aspects, he was liable to be brought before their courts for judgment. If this is so, does not the consequence follow, that, to all intents and purposes, he must be considered a man, and, before human tribunals, must be considered and treated as such? No sophistry can blind the eyes to this fact; and, if a man, he must be regarded as such both by our laws and our Constitution, possessing all the privileges man can possess, where no distinction is pointed out, and where none was meant to be pointed out.

In presenting the reader the following extracts, we were in doubt whether it would not have been better to classify them, putting each under separate heads or chapters; but, on the whole, as there were but four points to be determined - namely, 1st. Those which go to prove the power of the

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