"If we act with coolness, firmness, and decision, on this occasion, I have the fullest confidence that the God who has so lately delivered us out of the paw of the lion and of the bear, will also deliver us from this Goliath, this uncircumcised Philistine. This government is founded in sin, and reared up in iniquity; the foundations are laid in the most singular breach of public trust, and the top stone is the most iniquitous breach of public faith; and I fear, if it goes into operation, we shall be justly punished by the total extinction of our civil liberties. We are invited, in this instance, of becoming partakers in other men's sins; if we do, we must likewise be content to take our share in the punishment.

On the whole, this letter, or speech, was one as firm and as good as any that appears among the whole that was made on the adoption of the Constitution. It would appear he left the Convention, as some, also, of the Massachusetts delegation did, because they would not even have it supposed they gave countenance for a moment to what they thought would injure their own liberties or that of the colored man's.

The Constitution was adopted with the "full confidence" that the amendments they had proposed would be incorporated in the instrument, these amendments being accompanied with a bill of rights. These were thirty-three in number, and had more or less reference to the liberty of the individual.

The vote was, yeas 30, nays 27,- a majority, it will be perceived, very small. If Mr. Treadwell had voted, the Constitution would have been accepted but by two votes. The guaranty that

New York gave was not very strong, at the best; and, if Mr. Hamilton's account of the matter is correct, the "capital articles for making treaties tobacco, rice, indigo," &c. (cotton, it appears, was not then a staple) had the effect to stop all tongues, and to make them acquiesce in a transaction which, as was observed by Mr. Smith, it would be admitted was founded on unjust principles; which very admission, if true, in itself would cause the whole transaction to be a nullity. For what business or right has any body of men to assemble, and make rules for the government of society, which they themselves acknowledge to be unjust? The counterfeiter, the pirate, the robber, can do no more; and the slimsy excuses made by Mr. Hamilton, to justify the transaction, do but show he could not well justify the case. He says New York, in her legislation, acknowledges that property, as well as individuals, should be represented; and, as negroes at the South were considered such, therefore they should be represented. But he immediately says they were not wholly considered as property, but as individuals: "they were persons known to our municipal courts."

We will ask, if such was the case, are they not responsible persons? Can our courts of law take cognizance of things, and bring things to trial? Mr. Hamilton could not but be aware of the false position in which he was placed, and in which the country was placed, in regard to this thing. But the "capital" articles, and, as we may suppose, the obstinate perseverance of the delegates from

Georgia and South Carolina, together with the prejudices and the known degradation and ignorance of the colored man, and Mr. H.'s want of sympathy with the lower classes of society, and his want of faith that they could by any possibility of circumstances take care of themselves, induced him to act the part he did. A man, in other respects so just, and whose character for honesty and uprightness was so preeminent, makes himself appear in a light not so enviable as could be wished, when he takes a step so opposed to natural justice. To make a man amenable to laws, and yet not give him the power over himself to enable him to obey, and even give another the sole control of his person, while it might be considered by some good theology, could not, by men of sound judgment, be considered good law. No! the foundation of all law presupposes the ability to obey, or otherwise it should be considered no law. For why should a person attempt to do that which it is well known cannot be done? or, if unrestrained, and the person was left free to act, it could be done, yet, being restrained, and obliged to act according to the will and command of another, must not the responsibility of his acts rest on that other? But it may be said the slave is not brought before our courts but for some heinous crime, of which the master máy know nothing, or even it may be a crime against the master. But this cannot be a valid objection, because, when a man is placed at the sole will of another, and is made a chattel personal, he at once takes the place

of the brute, and can be no otherwise amenable than as the brute: he may commit a trespass like the ox, but the master must assume the responsibility of the trespass. And here let us remark, is there not a fearful responsibility resting upon the shoulders of those who claim the control of the acts of slaves? and, when a man presumes to take this control, does he not in effect say, let the punishment of his crimes rest on me and my children? We think so. But, whatever may be thought on this subject, we cannot but suppose the men of that age perceived the inconsistency of thus blending the character of the man with the brute, and the slender thread that held slavery together; and that, if justice once prevailed in the courts, it would bring an end to the whole system. We shall shortly see that it was expected such might take place; and strong objections were made to the Constitution on this very ground, that our judiciary would be called on for a decision in the case. As a number of years has passed away, we hope the time is now fast approaching, when a better understanding on this subject will be more generally diffused, and a more correct idea of the general principles and the purposes of and for which this government was adopted instilled, not only in the minds of our Northern people, but in those of the South; or perhaps we should rather say, when the mind of this people can be brought back to contemplate and carry out the doctrines on which the revolution of this country was brought about, and for which, as the preamble of

our Constitution expressly declares, that instrument was given to the country to secure. We do trust there will be a different action on this subject, and our colored brother may take courage. Let him. remember no exception was made to him, not a word left on the records; but the doctrines of those days applied to him equally with the white man; and, though he may have been looked upon. with feelings of disrespect, of cupidity, and of avarice, and as a being over whom they could lord it unrestrained, yet, in the main, a better feeling bore sway some felt, with deep commiseration, his unfortunate lot, and exerted their utmost efforts to produce a proper feeling as regarded his situation, and succeeded in establishing principles which, we trust, will not only work out his salvation from political and slavish bondage, but every individual, of whatever color or complexion he may be, who may happen to come within the borders of the United States, or step a foot on the shores of America. When it can be said of this

land, as it is now said of Britain,

"Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs

Receive our air, that moment they are free:

They touch our country, and their shackles fall,”

when such shall be the case, then will the true idea, which apparently actuated the men who have spent their exertions in the cause of liberty and of freedom, be established; then will that glorious day be ushered in, which has been looked forward to with such anxiety by those who have the welfare of mankind at heart, and who have, in