tion manifested at the North to raise a revenue on imports. The mechanics1 of the North wishing to have their labor protected, and the South wishing to get rid of this direct tax, both succeeded in their wishes, and consequently a tariff on foreign articles was adopted. By this step, though opposed by much of the intelligence of the North, the South, in consequence of the small quantity of foreign products used by her slaves, has thrown a good portion of the expenses of the government upon the non-slaveholding States. The grand bargain made by our accomplished statesman has, in the end, like all such bargains, turned out but a sorry affair; and we, their children, have not much to boast of their acuteness in such matters, unless we have the charity to suppose they intended it should bear with such weight upon the holders of slaves the masters would be glad to let them go; and, if so, we have only to regret they were not holden to their bargain. We would also have the observations made by Mr. Dawes remembered, particularly when he speaks of the power of congress: "It would not do to abolish slavery by an act of congress in a moment." But to return:

"Mr. Widgery insisted we had a right to be jealous of our rulers, who ought never to have power they could abuse; "2 and in another place observed, "He hoped the gentleman would not think hard of it if we, ignorant men, cannot see as clear as he does. The

1 See proceedings of a meeting held in the Green Dragon, Boston, just before the sitting of the convention.

2 Elliot's Reports, vol. i. p. 49.

strong must bear the infirmities of the weak; and it must be a weak mind indeed that could throw such illiberal reflections against gentlemen of education as the honorable gentleman complains of. To return to the paragraph If congress," continued Mr. W. "have this power of taxing directly, it will be in their power to enact a poll tax. Can gentlemen tell why they will not oppose it, and by this means make the poor pay as much as the rich?” 1

"Mr. Fuller was at a loss to tell how taxation and representation went hand in hand, when the requisition made on Massachusetts was thirteen times as great as that made on Georgia, when she sent eight representatives, and Georgia but three, [the, question was asked Mr. Gerry.] Mr. Gerry answered, Georgia had increased its numbers by immigration; and if it had not then, it soon would have, enough to entitle it to the portion assigned her." 2

"Mr. Varnum said the States of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, for two or three years, had in the field half of the continental army under Gen. Washington, and he thought, therefore, congress should have the power of laying taxes, in order to make the different States pay their proportion." "

"Mr. Widgery was opposed to the Constitution: his arguments were, - the Confederation was well enough, and he was not afraid of foreign enemies."

"Mr. Neal went over the ground of objections to this section, on the idea the slave-trade was allowed to be continued for twenty years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of

1 Elliot's Reports, vol. i. p. 63. * Idem, vol. i. p. Idem, vol. i. p. 92.

64.

men; and, unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the colored man should ever be free, and Gen. Thompson exclaimed, Mr. President, shall it be said, after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? O! Washington,' what a name he has had! How he has immortalized himself! but he holds those in slavery who have as good a right to be free as he has; he is still for self, and, in my opinion, his character has sunk fifty per cent.” ” 2

"On the other side, it was said that the step taken in this article towards the abolition of slavery was one of the beauties of the Constitution. They observed that, in the Confederation, there was no provision whatever for its being abolished; but this Constitution provides that congress may, after twenty years, totally annihilate the slave-trade, and that all the States except two had passed laws to this effect. It might reasonably be expected it would be done. In the interim all the States were at liberty to prohibit it.”

"The debate of this ninth section, as the reporter observed, continued desultory, and consisted of similar objections and answers thereto as had been before used. BOTH SIDES deprecated the slave-trade in the most pointed terms. On one side it was pathetically lamented by Mr. Nason, Major Lash, Mr. Neal, and others, that this Constitution provided for the continuance of the slavetrade for twenty years. On the other, the Hon. Judge Dana, Mr. Adams, and others, rejoiced that a door was now opened for the annihilation of this odious and abhorrent practice in a certain time."

It must be remembered Washington, at his death, gave freedom to his slaves.

"Mr. Heath observed he had been absent, and had not heard the remarks that had been made. But the paragraph respecting the migration and importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, &c. is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but I think the gentlemen who have spoken have carried the matter rather too far on both sides. I apprehend it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the Southern States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than I do. It is generally detested by the people of this Commonwealth; and I ardently hope the time will soon come when our brethren of the Southern States will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions naturally arise, if we ratify this Constitution: Shall we do any thing, by our acts, to hold the blacks in slavery? or shall we become partakers in other men's sins? I think neither of them : each State is sovereign and independent in a certain degree, and they have a right and will regulate their own internal affairs as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to eat or drink, or be united, with those who do not think or act as we do? Surely not. We are not, in this case, partakers of other men's sins; for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men. A restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided, and a union take place. The federal convention went as far as they could; the migration and importation is confined to the States now existing only. New States cannot claim it. Congress, by their ordinance for creating new States, some time since declared that the new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them.

But whether those in the Southern States will be emancipated after the year 1808 I do not pretend to determine; I rather doubt it."1

Questions might here arise, could be held in the old

whether, if slaves States, under the Constitution, with Mr. Heath's understanding of the matter, they could be so held in the States. that have been admitted since the Union was formed; whether it is in the power of congress to grant to these new States the liberty of receiving slaves within their borders by immigration; also, whether the republican character that congress has guaranteed to each State, to which Mr. Heath alludes, would not also forbid slaves from being retained even in any State.

After the Constitution had been discussed by paragraphs, and the whole brought up to be adopted,

"Mr. Neal rose and said, that, as the Constitution at large was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which respected the Africans was the one that laid on his mind; and, unless his objection to that was removed, it must, however much he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it.":

"Mr. Heath remarked, we are soon to decide on a system of government, digested, not for the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts only, not for the present people of the United States only, but, in addition to these, all those States that may hereafter arise into existence within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for mil

1 Elliot's Reports, vol. i. p. 123.

2 Idem, vol. i. p. 127.