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be imaginary; that we were sensible the eyes of the country and of the world were upon us," &c. ;1 that, while they were willing to "form a strong and energetic federal government," they were opposed to consolidation, and they wished "the world at large" should "judge " who "best understood the rights of freemen and free States." They did not mean to give up the independency of the States, and give the large States a weight in the Union in proportion to the number of their inhabitants. The argument was, that each individual in the community, when he enters into society, independent of wealth, talent, or strength, had equal rights; and if, because of any of these distinctions, one should have "more votes than another, it would be inconsistent with the freedom of that other, and would reduce him to slavery; " 2 and consequently it would be the same with the States.

On that part of the Constitution which allowed the importation of slaves till the year 1808 there was much diversity of opinion, and the representatives from South Carolina and Georgia asserted that their States would never agree to a system that put it in the "power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those States, must ́withhold their assent from such a system." 3

They had made this assertion because eight of

1 Secret Proceedings, p. 30.

2 Secret Proceedings, p. 24.

3 Secret Proceedings, p. 63.

the States had decided they would not consent to have a general provision, as reported by the committee of detail, putting it out of the power of congress from ever prohibiting the importation of slares, "without confining it to any particular period." Mr. Martin says they were willing to agree to this clause as it now stands, but the same reasons which caused them to strike out the word national,' and not admit the word stamps,' influenced them here to guard against the word 'slaves.' They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be 'odious' to the ears of Americans, although they were willing to admit into their system, those things which the expressions signified." When, therefore, the convention had determined not to accept the report of the committee, three States only voting in favor of it, and the delegates from Georgia and South Carolina saying their States would not agree to a system that gave it in the power of the general government to put a stop to it, "A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot to take this part of the system under consideration, · and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which would reconcile these States: " to this committee was also referred the following proposition, which had been reported by a committee of detail, to wit: "No navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two thirds of the members present in

1

1 Secret Proceedings, p. 63.

each house,"1a proposition which the. "staple and commercial States" were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States, but which the latter were as anxious to reject. "This committee," of which Mr. Martin was one, "met and took under consideration the subjects committed to them." He says he "found the eastern members, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, were very willing to indulge the Southern States at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave-tråde, provided the Southern States would, in their turn, gratify them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be "omitted."

Here are some of the considerations of that compact of which we have heard so much; and, however disgraceful it might have been, let it be borne in mind the contract, so far as they are concerned, is fulfilled, the consideration has been paid, the pound of flesh was granted, and has been taken. But let us observe here, we consider this crying out compact as one of their ruse, of which the South has proved herself sufficient master, in order to frighten the North into her proposals, - not because she cares about the par

1 Secret Proceedings, p. 64.

ticular measures she proposes; but, wishing to prevent the mind of the North from taking into consideration the situation of the slave, and knowing the North is adverse to constant changes and fluctuations in her commercial pursuits, and that the South is not advancing in so rapid a manner in her improvements, in her jealousy she presses her undertaking, till she gains what she thinks is her object, and then some one steps in to make a compromise. We have seen so much of this we begin to grow tired and sick; and we trust the people of the North, if we are correct in our surmises, "will be able to stand in the evil day," and not bow down to every golden calf that may be set up.

But Mr. Martin goes on to observe,

"This report was adopted by the convention, but not without considerable opposition. It was said we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to enslave us; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in particular, but in common with all the rest of mankind; that we had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation, in that government to have a provision, not only of putting out of its power to restrain

and prevent the slave-trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. It was said that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by national punishments, and that the continuance of the slave-trade, and thus giving it a national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor African slave and his American

master!

"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slavetrade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves already in the States.

"That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of

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