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CHAPTER V.

THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.

WE now turn to the convention that formed the Constitution, and to the proceedings of the several State conventions, and also to some remarks taken from Mr. Wirt's life of Patrick Henry, and from the Federalist, all tending to show that, while our fathers came to this country for freedom, they meant to transmit this blessing to posterity; and that they did, for the most part, think they had attained this object, and that what they did not accomplish themselves, they left their children to perform. We will, however, observe, that, in these debates, it will be noticed there was a party who were for a strong government, and another party who were jealous for our State rights, and who feared a consolidated government. Whether those who wished for a strong government thought the people were really unable to take care of themselves, and, consequently, required the strong arm of the law to preserve the peace, &c. or, being conscious they meant, or wanted to produce, such a state of things as would make one portion of the community dependent on the other, and thereby create a jealousy and a distrust in the breast of different portions of society against each other,

making a powerful government necessary, we will not decide; perhaps both reasons entered into the breast of some, and determined them in their course of action. But, on the whole, a sincere desire is manifested to do what they thought was for the best good and interest of the country. It appears the members of the convention, from South Carolina and Georgia, were alone instructed on the subject of slavery; and it was through their influence the slave-trade was not immediately abolished, and, if we can judge, that any equivocal expressions on the subject of slavery were introduced into the Constitution. The Virginia delegates, in the first place, received instructions to use their exertions to have the trade abolished; but they were, for some reason or other, withdrawn.

South Carolina and Georgia, therefore, have the unenviable distinction of having been the cause of the continuance of slavery, or, rather, that there was no direct action of the convention on the subject. Since, then, having gained some points, they have taken advantage of these to effect their whole object, and they would now try to make us believe the whole government was made for them, and that they have a right to do with it as they think ve oper; and, by combining their action, they have han enabled to effect their purpose; and, while our government has been apparently a free one, it has, for the most part, been ruled by the slaveholder's influence. Hon. John Q. Adams has said every important question has been decided by

majorities less than the number of representatives on the floor of congress, in consequence of slaves being represented; and we have suspected he lost his election because he would not bend to the dictation of Georgia on the subject of her Indian difficulties, and that this was the cause of the expression, that "his administration must be put down, if as pure as the angels of light."

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It has been often asked, how happens it slaveholders have always carried their point, when there has been a majority of members from the free States? The best solution, besides that the South have always been united on subjects that have affected their interest, while the North has been divided, was once given us by a lady; it was this: The slaveholders, being an independent community by themselves, freed from the necessity of toil, each and all of them being masters, they could bear the utmost democracy; because, each being a lord, they wanted none higher than themselves. They could afford, so long as slavery existed, to be extremely democratic, because they would not be driven to labor. They had a class below them; they therefore could always appeal to the democratic feeling at the North and get a true response; while those at the North Pror, 'ssing an aristocratic feeling, knew the prin eace they advocated were destructive to their interest, they, possessing no bondmen, and depending upon legislative enactments to maintain their dignity, constantly found themselves in opposition to the priv

ileged class at the South: hence there has always been a division. But we trust our people are beginning to open their eyes to the nature of slavery, and, perceiving it has a tendency to reduce all the working classes to the same state, they will put forth their power, and check its pretensions, before it is so fastened on the country that they will be unable to break its chains; and, as far as in us lies, we would now warn them, if they do not lay aside the foolish prejudices they have against the colored race, and come forward, with united resolutions, to put an end to so iniquitous a system while it is now in their power, they must not complain if they themselves, or their children, should be brought under the same system of oppression. They must help free their brother man from the yoke, or else have it placed upon their own necks. We think this is evident, and that there is no alternative.1 But to return to our extracts from the Secret Proceedings of the Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States, including some taken from a speech delivered by the Hon. Luther Martin before the legislature of the State of Maryland, who was called upon, after his return from the convention held in Philadelphia, 1787, by the legislature of that State, to give "an account of those transactions in which " he "had had a share." In this speech, Mr. Martin observes,

1 To bear us out in the supposition that some change of the kind has been anticipated, we can now appeal to the Inaugural Address - of President Harrison.

"The delegates of Delaware were expressly instructed to agree to no system which should take away from the States an equality of suffrage, secured by the original articles of confederation." "The object of Virginia and other large States to increase their power and influence over others did not escape observation."1

A number of propositions, in the form of resolutions, were proposed to the convention for their consideration, as a basis on which to form a new government, and were submitted to a committee, who, among others, reported the following:

"7th. The right of suffrage in the first branch of the legislature ought not to be according to the rules of representation, namely, in proportion to the whole number of white and other free citizens, and inhabitants of every age, sex, and condition, including those bound to service for a term of years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, except Indians, not paying taxes in each State."

"16th. That a republican constitution, and its existing laws, ought to be guaranteed to each State by the United States."

2

In discussing these among other propositions, it was argued the small States would not agree to representations founded on numbers; if they did they would be overwhelmed; "that slavery was the worst that could ensue, and we considered the system proposed the most complete, most abject system of slavery that the wit of man ever devised, under the pretension of framing a government for free States; that we never would submit to present certain evils in dread of a future, which might

1 Secret Proceedings, p. 13. 2 Secret Proceedings, pp. 14 and 16.

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