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MR. MADISON ON EMANCIPATION,
making negro soldiers has been longest in ope- | Let us not give our opponents any reason to ration. Neither are the promises of the dread- complain of in this respect. Let us not bring ful effect of the proclamation upon the people to bear upon them the power of despotism, but of the North realized Gov. Andrew's 'swarms the power of a people of a Republičan Governdo not throng the roads of Massachusetts, and ment, where the people rule." volunteering has been at a stand still. As to
Mr. SMITH was no doubt honest in the above the political effect of the proclamation, at the North, nothing can be said. The enthusiasm sentiments, but the utterance of them cost him it has evoked, has all been on the wrong side, his seat in the Cabinet, for from that day the and some of the most ardent advocates of radicals gave the President no rest until his emancipation have been so disheartened by this, that they began before the proclamation exodus was made certain. had been out a month, to talk about letting the We have thus given a pretty full chapter of South go, if we cannot subdue the rebellion the rise, progress and decline of the Adminis... before May. [That was Greeley.] The pre-tration, in its negro policy, and if that policy text of our malcontents, that the proclamation is powerless, because it does not declare free shall have no worse effect than to demonstrate the slaves in the loyal states, is not even spe- the inconsistencies and idiosyncrasies of hotcious; it is merely absurd."
bed politicians, then we may thank God for the CALEB B. SMITH PLEDGES THE ADMINISTRA- power of a såving grace, that can check the
most sinister machinations of fallen man ! During the time which the Hon. CALEB B. SMITH acted as Mr. LINCOLN's Secretary of Mr. MADISON, the father of the Constituthe Interior, he addressed the Republicans of tion,' in a debate on this subject, in the ConProvidence, R. I., and from that address we
stitutional Convention of 1787, used the folmake the following selections, to show what the lowing language. (See Elliott's Debates, v. 3, "Government?? pledged its good faith to the people on this subject:
"I was struck with surprise when I heard S'It is the question of domestic servitude that him (Mr. Wythe) express himself alarmed with has rent asunder the temple of liberty. What respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me is there in this question of slavery that should ask, if they (the North) should even attempt divide the people? [Sure enough.] *
it, if it would not be a usurpation of power. The theory of the Government is, that the There is no power to warrant it in that paper, states are sovereign within their proper spheres. (the Constitution). If there be, I know it not. The Government of the United States has no But, why should it be done? Says the honormore right to interfere with the institution of able gentleman, 'for the general welfare;-it slavery in South Carolina, than it has to inter- will infuse strength into our system.? Can any fere with the peculiar institutions of Rhode member of this committee suppose that it Island, whose benefits I have enjoyed to-day. (emancipation) will increase our strength?
It has been my fortune to be se- Can any one believe that the American con. lected as one of his [the President's] constitu- gress will come into a measure which will strip tional advisers. I have had the honor of being them of their property, and discourage and connected with this Administration since its alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the commencement, and I tell you to-night, that | Union? Why was nothing of this sort arrived you cannot find in South Carolina a man more
at before? I believe such an idea never enteranxious, religiously and scrupulously, to ob- ed into an American heart, nor do I believe it serve all the features of the Constitution, re- ever will enter into the heads of those gentlelating to slavery, than Abraham Lincoln. men who substitute unsupported suspicions for
* My friends, we make no war upon reasons." Southern institutions. We recognize the right of South Carolina and Georgia to hold slaves,
This was the harshest language used by Mr. if they desire them. But, my friends, we ap- Madison in all the debates of the first Consti, peal to you to uphold the great honor of our tutional Convention. The idea of emancipaglorious country, and to leave the people of tion was so absurd to him that he could not that country to settle their domestic matters according to their own choice, and the exigen-conceal his indignation, notwithstanding he cies which the times may present.
was at that time making a Constitution for a "It is not the province of the Government of state of war, as well as peace, with the experithe United States to enter into a crusade
ence of a long and bloody struggle before him. against the institution of slavery. I would proclaim to the people of the states of this LORD DUNMORE'S PROCLAMATION. Union, the right to manage their institutions in their own way. I know that my fellow citi
During the Revolution, Lord DUNMORE isžens will recognize that as one fundamental sued a proclamation to excite the negroes principal on which we commenced this contest. I against the Colonists. We refer the reader to
MR. LINCOLN ON FEDERAL AUTHORITY.
the Eighth Volume of BANCROFT's History of lamation a 'new policy.' and one which conthe United States, where the historian thus verts and perverts the wir, waged in defense
of the Government and Unoion into a crusade sets forth the matter:
against slavery, I see sure and swift destruc“Encouraged by this most trifling success, tion! In Wendell Phillips' avowal, that the Dunmore raised the King's flag, and, publish abolition motto is 'Death to Slavery or the ing a proclamation, which he iad signed on the Union,' endorsed by the Tribune and Independ7th, he established martial law, required every ent, I see, unless the treasonable sentiment be person capable of bearing arms, to resort to rebuked, a divided North, [The very thing we his standard, under penalty of forfeiture of charged as the object, ] with two-thirds of the his life and property, and declared freedom people against this fanaticism." 'to all indentured servants, negroes or others, appertaining to rebels,' if they would join for the. reducing the colony to a proper sense of On the 6th of March, 1862, Mr. LINCOLN its duty. The effect of this invitation to convicts and slaves to rise against their masters,
transmitted to Congress his message, recomwas not limited to their ability to serve in the mending remuneration for slaves by appropriarmy. 'I hope,' said Dunmore, 'it will oblige ation from Congress, &c., in which he speaks the rebels to disperse to take care of their fam- of initiating an emancipation scheme on the ilies and property.' (But it didn’t.) The free will basis of state action and national pemen to whose passions he appealed were either criminals, bound to labor in expiation of their cuniary aid misdeeds, or barbarians, some of them freshly
"I say initiatory, because, in my judgment, imported from Africa, with tropical passions gradual and not sudden emancipatien is better seething in their veins, and frames rendered for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary strong by abundant food and out-of-door toil; view, any member of Congress, with the census they formed the majority of the population--at tables and the Treasury reports before him, tide-water-and were distributed among the
can readily see for himself how very soon the plantations, in clusters, around the wives and
current of expenditure of the war would purchildren of their owners, so that danger lurked chase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any in every house.
At Dunmore's pro- named state. Such a proposition on the part clamation, a thrill of indignation ran through of the General Government sets up no claim Virginia, effacing all differences of party, and
or right by Federal authority to interfere with rousing one strong, impassioned purpose to slavery within state limits, referring as it does drive away the insolent power by which it had the absolute control of the subject in each case been put forth.
to the state and its people immediately inter“But, in truth, the cry of Dunmore did not ested." rouse among the Africans a passion for freedom, [nor does it to-day.] To them, bondage
THE CHICAGO PLATFORM. in Virginia, was not a lower condition of being
The above when read in connection with the than their former. They had no regrets for ancient privileges lost; their memories promp- following plank in the Chicago Platform, does ted no demand for political changes ; no not well comport with the subsequent action of struggling aspiration of their own had invited the President and his friends. This is the 4th Dunmore's interposition; no memorial of their grievances had preceded' his offer. [And this plank in said platform: was precisely the case with Mr. "Lincoln's 64. That the maintenance inviolate of the proclamation ]
rights of the States, and especially the right of " What might have been accomplished had each State to order and control its own domes: he been master of the country, and had used tic institutions, according to its own judgment, an undisputed possession to embody and train exclusively, is essential to that balance of pow. the negroes, cannot be told; but as it was, er, on which the perfection and endurance of though he boasted that they flocked to his our political fabric depends.'' standard, [just as the abolitionists do now,] none combined to join him from a longing for
Here it is laid down as a political axiom that an improved condition, or even for ill-will to the “ maintenance inviolate" of the right of their masters."
each State to regulate its own domestic conTHURLOW WEED'S PREDICTION.
cerns in its own way, is essential-that isTHURLOW WEED, in a letter to the New necessary-to that "balance of power” on York Commercial Advertiser, thus records his which the perfection and endurance of our predictions relative to the "Bull against the
political fabric depends." Comet."
Well, as this right is now disputed by the
radicals, and ignored by the Administration, cThe solicitude is now intensified by the attitude, arrogance and insolence of abolition
we have a right to infer that it is in contemplajournals, representatives and lecturers. In
tion to destroy the perfection and endurance”? assuming to discover, in the President's proc- of our political fabric. In other words, to dis
solve the Union. For, if the Republican thesis | brid government, ending, as all such unnatuwas right in 1860, their conduct now is not ral combinations have ever done, in degraded,
if not in abortive generations, and making only wrong, but aims at dissolution, for are they serfdom for the inferior caste the unmixed not destroying what they declared in 1860 to be blood of the conqueror race inevitably assert"essential” to Union? No other corolary can ing a despotism over it. To facilitate this purbe drawn from the proposition and conduct of pose a concerted appeal' is now made to the
people of the free states through the press to the Administration.
open the way to this daring innovation, begin
ning in the Southern states, unhappily now ÞO'STMASTER GENERAL BLAIR AS A WITNESS. brought under the ban by the Calhounite con
spirators. Fortunately we were not left to our own
"With this view it is proposed to declare the opinion or ipse dixit, but will refer the reader State governments vacated in that section to the speech of Post Master General BLAIR, where they are restored to the Union, and all at Rockville, Md., October 3, 1863. His the loyal men of the South whom the treason
of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan, in comspeech seems to have been in reply to the Ar- plicity with southern traitors, has subjugated, ticle in the Atlantic Monthly, by CHARLES are to come under absolute submission to the SUMNER, which advocated the State Suicide'' representatives of the Northern States in Condoctrine. We do not endorse all that Mr. B. gress, without vestige of a State right, a State
law, or constitution to protect them-nay, not says, but give his reasons in full, that they even the franchise of a vote to send a solitary may be compared with the conduct of the Ad-representative to the Legislative body to which ministration, to which he is officially attached:
their destiny is to be committed. Simultane
ously three leading organs--the Chronicle, at SPEECH OF HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR AT ROCK- Washington, boasting a sort of official sanction; VILLE, MD., OCT. 3, 1863.
the Missouri Democrat, the ultra abolisher of
Fremont graft, at St. Louis, and the Atlantic 's Fellow Citizens:-I congratulate you on Monthly, which lends to the parent stock, at the hopes just inspired by the circumstances Boston, all it can boast of literary strength and under which we have met to-day. The pro-elegance-have struck the key-note of revolugress of our armies gives us good reason for tion, the sheer abolition of State constitutions believing that peace will soon be restored to in the region suffering under the rod of the reour country, and that when it comes it will be bellion. an enduring peace, because obtained by pre- "The article in the Atlantic Monthly may serving the integrity of the government, and justly be quoted as the programme of the movebecause it will be followed by the early suppres-ment. It presents the issue on which the abosion from our system of the institution of do- lition party has resolved to rest its hope of mestic slavery, which occasioned most of the setting up its domination in this country. The difficulty in the founding of the government, boldness that marks the announcement of its and has been the only cause which ever serious- design to assume for Congress absolute power ly endangered its existence. But even whilst
over the states recovered to the Union, without we are indulging in these well founded hopes allowing representation for them in the body, that our country is saved from destruction by argues much for the confidence of those who rebellion, we are menaced by the ambition of never attained an ounce of political weight unthe ultra abolitionists, which is equally despot- til they threw themselves into the scale of the ic in its tendencies, and which, if successful, republican party adjusted at Chicago, wherein coul not fail to be alike fatal to republican in- statė rights, even the most doubtful one assertštitutions.
ing exclusive power over the subject of slavery "The slaveocrats of the South would found
was recognized. an oligarchy, a sort of feudal power, imposing its yoke over all who tilled the earth over which !!"And now in this discussion (says the new ukase) we
are brought to the practical question which is destined to they reigned as masters. The abolition party,
occupy so much of public attention. It proposed to bring whilst pronouncing phillippics against slavery, the action of Congress to bear directly upon the rebel seek to make a caste of another color, by amal- states. This may be by the establishment of provisional gramating the black element with the free white by making the admission or recognition of the states delabor of our land, and so to expand far beyond pend upon the action of Congress. The essential feature the present confines of slavery the evil which of the proposition is, that Congress shail aşsume jurisdicmakes it obnoxious to republican statesmen, and now, when the strength of the traitors "One would suppose that "the action of Con- . who attempted to embody a power out of the gress” had been already brought to bear "diinterest of slavery to overthrow the govern- / rectly on the rebel states,” by the armies which ment is seen to fail, they would make the man- | Congress has raised and sent against the rebel umission of the slaves the means of infusing states; or to use exact language, the states in their blood into our whole system by blending which the rebels enforce a usurpation over the with it "amalgamation, equality and fraterni- loyal people. ty." The cultivators of the soil must then be- "But it is not over the states in the hands of come a hybrid race, and our government a hy- 'rebels that the abolition programme proposes to
tion of the rebel states."
assume jurisdiction; but over the states when | abolition petitions, about the recognition of wrested from the usurpation of rebels, and in Hayti, about Texas, about the Wilmot proviso, condition to be restored to the control of the about the admission of California, the discusloyal people. Against these political military sion of the compromise of 1850, the Kansas bodies now exerting the force of government in question--all this audacity was in the name of that portion of the United States in which the state rights. If we except from this aggravarebellion reigns for the time triumphant, the ted list charged to 'pestilent state rights,' the Union wages war, but it does not wage var up- incipient treason of the South Carolina oron the loyal people, upon the constitution they dinance, there was nothing beyond the wholerecognize or the true constitution-upon the some discussions incident to parties in free pirit and forms of their government, upon its governments, in which state rights made no archives or property. On the contrary, the resistance to national authority. This denunwhole system as part of the Union subsists and ciation of the party influence derived through is respected by the nation, and only remains in appeals to state rights during this eventful and abeyance where the rebels hold sway? by force prosperous period of our history, proves that of arms. It is against this rebel organization, it proceeds from a party hostile at heart to free against the persons and property, the means debate, the canvasses, the active employment of and instrumentalities of the rebels, that the the checks and balances of our complicated United States make war, in defence of the loy- / system of national 'and state governments al men and loyal.governments.
which are essential to the vitality of all its "The assumption that certain states of the parts, and enables all to take a just share of south are extinct--annihilated by the rebellion the power which moves the whole machinery. --and that a Congress composed of representa- In their view our history is a pestilence from tives from the states in which the rebellion Washington's time to this hour, when it is pro. does not exist has the right to consider the posed to annihilate state rights as the remedy. sister Republics where the insurrection for the We are told that this is effected first by 'state moment prevails as dead bodies, to be disposed suicide.? of as they please when they get possession, is “The states themselves committed suicide, so that as abhorrent to every principle on which the Union states they cease to exist, leaving their whole jurisciction was founded. No member of the Union, nor
open to the occupation of the United States under the
Constitution." the government of the whole, can act upon any of the States in the mode prescribed by the “Burke is quoted to make good this posiconstitution. They are all bound to guarantee | tion. to each a republican form of government, and “When men,” says Burke, “therefore break up the orthat is a government adopted by the people,for | iginal compact or agreement which gives its corporate it is the essence of republican government that
form or capacity to a state, they are no longer a people. it shall emanate from the people of the State. / They have no longer a corporate form or existence," &c. "The Federal Government derives its power
"The programme adds: from the same source, and it is on the people
"If that great master of eloquence could be heard, who
can doubt that he would blast our rebel states as senseless and through the people that it must act as a
communities, who have sacrificed that corporate existence nationality, and not upon the states, blotting which makes them living corporate members of our union them out of existence by a supposition, while of states." their constitutions, laws, archives, property, Burke might blast the brebel States,!' but all survive, and a loyal people to give them would he blast Missourri, Arkansas, Louisiana, activity the moment that constraint is thrown Mississippi, Tennessee, and all the rest of that off.
The abolition programme assumes, on noble sisterhood of States which, with their the contrary, that because violence has trod loyal people, have in succession been trodden den down state governments and state rights, under foot by a military force? Have the peothey have ceased to exist; that a loyal people, ple who resisted at the polls, and who still réin whom they still survive and have being, and sist in arms, united wich their brethern under to whom the United States stands pledged to the flag of the Union wherever it appears, sacguarantee them forever, must also have per- rificed that corporate existence which identiished, and that a Congress of the other states fies themselves and their States as "living may step in and take absolute authority over component members of our Union?" Is not the whole region, as vacated states, territory, the Union and its constitution identified as and legislate for it--founding this new assump- that corporate existence with the States tion upon fictions as jabsurd as those on which which makes them all those trodden down and rebellion founds itself.
those standing up-component members of our calamities to the pestilent pretension of State the guarantee of the government of every re
"The abolition programme ascribes all our Union States? How can the Union, which is rights. The discontent with the treaty be- | public of which tween the United States and Great Britain, that any part of it is dead? It does not admit called Jay's treaty, originated in pestilent it. It is at war in every State of the Union at state rights. The famous resolutions of Vir- this moment, co-operating with the loyal in ginia and those of Kentucky usually known as each entitled to its special sovereignty, to crush the resolutions of '98, sprung from 'pestilent the traitors who violate it. As members of state rights. The Missouri controversy about the Union, the States assailed by treason may the prohibition of slavery, the first South Car- be said to be paralyzed; but they live in all olina outbreak, the contest in Congress about their vital powers, ready for resurrection, in
the persons of their loyal people, the moment | any other crime. Only common sense is wantthe stone is rolled away. The traitors only ed to comprehend that guilt cannot be imputed will have committed political suicide.
to any but'a sentient being, and only common
honesty is required to perceive the injustice of **The man recovered from the bite, The dog it was that died.”
disfranchising loyal citizens on account of the
offences committed by the disloyal. "I allow that "it is a patent and undisputed "But the manifesto I am considering comes fact that this gigantic treason was inaugurated at last to the conclusion that these modes of with all the forms of law,” and that "the retiring the states out of the Union are unsatstates pretended to withdraw bodily in their isfactory. corporate capacities,” which is the ground work of the second proposition of the pro- of state suicide or state forfeiture, or state abolition, on the
"'I discard (says the writer) all theory, whether it be one side, or state rights, immortal and unimpeachable, on
the other side. Such discussions are only endless mazes "That the states, by their flagrant treason, have for- in which a whole Senate may be lost.' feited their rights as states, so as to be civilly dead.'
"Verily, such contemptuous flinging away of "But the Federal Government is very far states and state rights as of no better stuff than from admitting that the forms of law em. may be overlaid with cobwebs and dust-such ployed by the rebels, or the fact that "the flimsy arguments as state suicide, state forfeitstates pretended to withdraw bodily” affected ure, state abdication, might, if indulged in, in the least the legal status of the states in reduce the Senate to a lost condition. And the question. Treason was committed not by any process of this scheme shows how readily it State, but by the individuals who made use of might be merged into a consolidated head. the forms of the state governments and attempt- | Here is the recipe which disposes of states and ed to dismember the National Government. senators without resorting to the troublesome The suggestion that states, guaranteed by the fiction of state suicide, state forfeiture or state Constitution as under the shield of the Union, | abdications. can in any way be held responsible for this "The ukase continues : treason, and subjected to a forfeiture of their
"And, in discarding all theory, I discard also the quesrights as a consequence, shows affinity of the tion of de jure—whether for example, the rebel states, abolitionists to the nullifiers. Calhoun's whole
while the rebellion is flagrant, are de jure states of the scheme was based on the proposition they now
Union, with all the rights of states. It is enough that,
for the time being, and in the absence of a loyal governadopt, that the states 'could "withdraw bodily ment, they can take no part and perform no function in in their corporate capacity."
the Union, so that they cannot be recognized by the na"The true doctrine, as laid down by the
tional government. The reason is plain. There are in
these states no local functionaries bound by constitutional fathers of the constitution, is, that the employ- oaths-so that there are, in fact, no constitutional funcment of the forms of the state governments, tionaries—and, since the state government is necessarily and the pretense of withdrawing them in their composed of such functionaries there can be no state govcorporate capacity out of the pale of the national authority, does not shift the responsi- "This is summary reasoning, but it begins bility from the traitors to the people. Hamil- by an assumption that there are no other states ton, in the Federalist, marks the change on but rebel states, cutting out of the question this point effected by the adoption of the con- the existence of the states de jure, which have stitution. He says:
subsisted since the foundation of the govern
ment to this hour, and the existence of which "The great and radical vice in the construction of the existing Confederation is the principle of legislation for
the United States are bound to guarantee and states or governments in their corporate collective capaci- maintain, and is at this moment fighting the ties, and as contra distinguished from the individuals of bloodiest battles known to modern annals to whom they consist."
support, against the most excuseless treason "He emphasizes this proposition in the and shameless counterfeit authority that ever strongest manner, by the use of capitals, in put on the mask of government. It may be order to condemn the policy of acting on states readily conceded that 'rebel states are not de instead of criminal individuals of whom they jure states of the Union, with all the rights of consist.
states, and that 'as they can take no part and "The aim of the abolitionists is now to ac- perform no function in the Union, so they cancomplish this very thing in defiance of the Con- not be recognized by the general government.? stitution. They demand that Congress shall But does it follow that states are wrenched attach the treason in the south, plotted in se- from the Union because the usurpers hold a discret and sprung upon the nation by a body of puted tottering power within their territorial oath-bound conspirators, to the people of the limits? States every day recognized as states whole region, and insist that they have forfeit- in the Union, states whose constitutions, løws, ed their rights in their corporate and collective archives, loyal citizens, public edifices, lands, capacities for the treason of these individuals. and properties of all sorts, are recognized and It asserts the power of legislaticn over the held sacred, not only in the hearts of loyal states or governments, instead of applying the patriots of this and every other civilized counlaw of treason to the guilty individuals to whom try, but which the government of the nation alone in the very nature of things it is applica- recognizes as forming a member of it in every ble. No learning is necessary to enable one to official act, and by every officer at home and see that a state cannot be guilty of treason or abroad, who has occasion to refer to them.