in

5th. Has not blood been found upon their persons? Were not their garments stained with the blood of poor BACHELDER in Boston, 1854, in the discharge of his duty? Were not their whole garments dripping with human gore, when they deified JOHN BROWN, and in-. dorsed his insurrection and murders?

6th. Have they not often declared it was for their interest, pecuniary and otherwise, to have the old Union out of the way?

7th. Have they not time and again admitted that they have attempted to take the life of the Union? Do they not even now tell us, with lips steeped in clammy treason, that the Union

shall live no more?

We might stop here and "rest" our case as having been made out by the admissions of the implicated ones themselves, but we will present accumulative circumstantial and positive evidence.

It will be recollected that when Sumter had been fired on, and the shock of battle reverberated through the land, the whole North, as one man (that is, without distinction of party) rose in its might to shake off the incubus of disunion. Democrats forgot the animosities engendered by the political contest but six months before, and did not stop to enquire whether they were to be commanded by political friend or foe. Men of all parties rushed to the standard of their country, asking no conditions but the privilege of fighting to preserve the Union as it was. Now for the testimony.

WHAT ANDREW JOHNSON SAYS.

ANDY JOHNSON, the Military Governor appointed by President LINCOLN for Tennessee, bears witness as to the policy of the Administration party, as follows:

"There are two parties in existence who want dissolution. Slavery and a Southern Confederacy is the hobby. Sumner wants to break up the Government, and so do the Abolitionists generally. They hold that if slavery survives the Union cannot endure. Secessionists argue that if the Union continues slavery is lost. Abolitionists want no compromise, but they regard peacable secession as a humbug. The two occupy the same ground. Why, abolition is dissolution; dissolution is cecession; one is the other. Both are striving to accomplish the same object. One thinks it will destroy, the other save slavery."

"SITTING UP WITH THE UNION."

Here is what Senator Wilson, one of the big chiefs of the Republican party, said in a recent speech:

"This extra anxiety about the Union is the
merest cant. The country is sick of it. The
sad fate of the chiefs of this Union cry for the
past three years must convince even the mem-
ber from Windham that this sitting up with the
Union does not pay expenses.'
""

WHAT CONSTITUTES A TRAITOR OR COPPER-
HEAD.

Republicans to call all persons "traitors,"
A very common practice prevails among the
tinue to support their theories. They disclaim
"copperheads," who cannot vote for, or con-
having changed in their principles since the
beginning of our national troubles, but such as
choose to stand on the principles that we all
occupied in 1861, and cannot follow the doc-
trines of fanaticism, are denounced as disloy-
al-branded with the epithet of traitor,"
"copperhead," &c. Now, let us review the
past, and see if these SO CALLED UNION
partizans stand by the professions of 1861, as
they continuously claim not to have changed;
but all who refuse to vote with them, have sud-
denly become "DISLOYAL," "traitors," and
"COPPERHEADS.”
"COPPERHEADS." We will call Mr. LIN-
COLN on the witness stand first, and see how
he stood at the time of his inaugural. There
we read thus:

"Apprehensions seem to exist among the people of the Southern states, that by the accesion of a republican administration, their property, and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their ten speeches of him who now addresses you. I inspection. It is found in nearly all the writdo but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose,directly or indirectly, to interfere with slavery in the states where it exists-I BELIEVE I HAVE NO LAWFUL RIGHT TO DO SO, AND I HAVE NO INCLINATION TO DO SO. Those who nominated me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them.

"And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution, which I now read:

"Resolved, That the maintainance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power, on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as AMONG THE GRAVEST CRIMES.”

MENTS; and, in doing so, I only press upon "I NOW REITERATE THESE SENTIthe public attention the most conclusive evi

dence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the new incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause-as cheer fully to one section as to another. I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution and laws by any hypocritical rules."

Such was the language of Mr. LINCOLN on the 4th of March, 1861, standing upon the steps of the Capitol, about to take the most solemn oath, calling GOD to witness his sincerity, to faithfully perform the duties of his office, and uphold the constitution and laws of our country. Men who favored Mr. LINCOLN's sentiments in 1861, are called "traitors," and "copperheads," because they firmly believe the same doctrine, and will not change, and cannot vote with the Republicans.

Mr. LINCOLN, in his message to congress (extra session), July 3d, 1861, after the war had begun, said:

"Resolved, That those persons in the North who do not subscribe to the foregoing propositions, are too insignificant in numbers and influence to excite the serious attention or alarm of any portion of the people of the Republic; and that the increase of their numbers and influence does not keep pace with the increase of the aggregate population of the Union."

Nothing short of a Copperhead Congress could pass such resolutions in 1864.

Again, see Congressional Globe, after Bull Run battle, July 23d, 1861; Congress with the almost unanimous Republican vote passed the following resolution:

Resolved, That the war is waged by the government of the United States, not in the spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or institutions of the states, but to defend and maintain the supremyof the constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unim paired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease.

Now, in 1864, we who claim to cherish the sentiments of this resolution are traitors and copperheads.

Again, the Indianapolis Sentinel, a leading Republican state organ, which has not been accused of disloyalty by its party, under date of September 24th, 1861, says:

"Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the Goveonment toward the Southern states, AFTER the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and laws, and that he "The President is right in his treatment of probably will have no different understanding Fremont's Proclamation. Congress, at the reof the powers and duties of the Federal Gov- cent session, with direct reference to the negro ernment relative to the rights of the states and question in the rebellion, having prescribed a the people, under the Constitution, THAN precise rule of action for the Gove THAT EXPRESSED IN THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS. He desires to preserve the Government, that it may be administered for all, as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have a right to claim this of their Government; and the Government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived, that in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of these terms."

Now, reader, this same doctrine is TRAITOROUS in 1864, if we do not happen to vote the so-called UNION ticket.

CONGRESS ON THE OBJECT OF THE WAR.

Let us now notice some resolutions passed in the House as recorded in the Congressional Globe, which received the unanimous support of the republicans, on the 11th of Feb., 1861: "Resolved, That neither the Federal Government, nor the people, or Governments of nonslave holding states, have a purpose or a Constitutional right to legislate upon, or interfere with slavery in any of the States of the Union.

!

the Government must necessarily adhere to this rule of action. To disobey it, or to transcend it, ever so little, is to treat the law-making power with contempt, and to make the Presi dent liable to impeachment. It is immaterial, in this regard, whether the rule prescribed is right or wrong; it is prescribed by the only power which has authority to prescribe it, and it must stand and command obedience until that power shall abolish or alter it."

Who dare assert, in 1864, that the exercise of power in issuing the proclamation, established a limited monarchy, are deemed as traitors and copperheads. We who believed in the above principles in 1861, and were loyal, and still sincerely believe them right in 1864, are denounced as disloyal, traitors-copperheads, because we choose not to change our opinions, and fall in with a fanatical party, under the sanctimonious name of Union, and adopt Greeley's doctrine-that of Negro Emancipation—and Thad. Stevens, the leader of the late Republican Congress, who, in a speech, said:

"The Union as it was, and the Constitution | rial for agitation? There is abundant occaas it is-GOD FORBID IT! We must conquer the Southern States, and hold them as conquered provinces."

And yet there are none but loyalists and patriots in this new party! Well, the world does

move.

sion for the public abhorence of mob violence. But when all the circumstances have been reviewed, the popular condemnation of those who, while the nation is struggling for existence, thrust the unoffending negro forward as a target for infuriated mobs, will become general and emphatic. Ultra abolitionists were hailed, in South Carolina, as the "best

MR. CHASE PRONOUNCES "THE UNION NOT friends" of secession. Practically, they are WORTH FIGHTING FOR."

"I know Mr. Chase tolerably well. With very great ability, and all the good looks, polished manners, and gentlemanly bearing that Mr. Blow claims for him, he is as thoroughly selfish and narrow as any public man in the country.

"When the rebellion broke out, Mr Chase held this language: 'The South is not worth fighting for.' Several gentlemen of high position in the country heard him utter this sentiment, substantially. He was at that time Secretary of the Treasury. Jeff. Davis exclaimed as he left the Senate, All the South wants is to be let alone,' and Mr. Secretary Chase was, in effect, declaring 'The South is not worth fighting for. Jeff. Davis said, 'Let us alone." Chase said, Let them alone.' The difference between them in fact, although their motives are wide apart, was the difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. One wanted a Southern and the other a Northern Confederacy, each believing his own chances best in that sort of a division."

WEED ON THE MOB INCITERS.

But

the worst enemies of the colored man.
for the "malign influence" of these howling
abolitionists, in Congress and with the Presi-
dent, rebellion would not, in the beginning,
have assumed such formidable proportions;
nor, in its progress, would the North have been
divided, or the government crippled."

WHY SENATOR LATHAM WAS DEFEATED..

The Chicago Tribune, in alluding to the defeat of Senator LATHAM, of California, for the United States Senate, said:

"He was in favor of the Union as it was.

No other offense was alleged against him.”

Thus, we have the allegation that to be in favor of the "Union as it was" is an "offense."

MR. CHASE AN OLD ABOLITIONIST.

On the 9th of September, 1844, Mr. SALMON P. CHASE issued, through the columns of the Ohio Columbian, an Abolition paper, what he termed the termed the "Liberty Man's Creed," from which we select the following:

"I believe that whenever the judiciary of the United States shall cease to be the creature of the slave power, and the judges shall receive their appointment from a Liberty President and Senate, slavery will be declared to be unconstitutional in the District of Columbia, in Florida, and in all states created out of territories.

"I believe that slavery in the United States will not survive the accession of the Liberty party to power a single year.”

Can any one doubt his original purposes?

Mr. THURLOW WEED wrote a letter express- THE PROGRAMME BLOCKED OUT JUST AFTER his indignation at the cowardly treatment

of the unoffending negroes by the New York mob. He inclosed a check of $500 for their relief, and said:

"For the persecution of the negro there is a divided responsibility. The hostility of Irishmen to Africans is unworthy of men who themselves seek and find, in America, an asylum from oppression. Yet this hostility would not culminate in murder and arson, but for the stimulants supplied by fanatics. Journalists who persistently inflame and exasperate the ignorant and lawless against the negro, are morally responsible for these outrages. But what cares Wendell Phillips how many negroes are murdered, if their blood furnished mate

LINCOLN'S NOMINATION.

Mr. LINCOLN was nominated in May 1860. The friends of Mr. SEWARD declared that the Cunvention in throwing over SEWARD and taking up LINCOLN, had but followed their instinct of policy to obtain votes they could not

otherwise receive.

On this subject we quote a letter from Mr. GEO. DAWSON, junior editor of the Albany Journal (SEWARD organ) written from the Chicago Convention to that paper:

"CHICAGO, May 19, 1860. "Misrepresentation has achieved its work. The timid and credulous have succumbed to

threats and perversions. To please a few thou sand men of equivocal principle and faltering faith, millions of loyal hearts have been saddened. The recognized standard-bearer of the Republican party has been sacrified upon the altar of availabilty.

that many of those by whose hands his immol ation was actually consumated did not share in the spirit of envy and hate, but enough did to turn the scale, and I have no wish to withhold from them this acknowledgement of their right to the commendations which they will covet from those who are in sympathy with them."

This sacrifice was alike cruel and unnecessary. No man in the Republican party has greater strength than Wm. H: Seward. No man deserves more at the hands of that party, or possesses greater fitness for the high office for which its national tribunal has declared him unworthy. His platform is that of the Republican party and was before it. He, more than any other man, initiated the principles which called it into being, and which gave, and which still gives it all its vitality. No other man's history so distinctly embodies the grand idea which brought together those who originally entered into the Republican organization; and the world's verdict was, that good faith, common honesty and the future history and wellbeing of the Redublican party demanded his nomination as its standard-bearer in the pres-cago convention:

ent canvass.

"But this verdict has been reversed. The inflexible virtues, the unwavering integrity, the heroic courage, the profound sagacity, and the exalted statesmanship which endeared him to the people, constituted "the stumbling block and the rock of offence to the convention. He was deemed too pure, too consistent, too,heroic, too wise, and too thoroughly and too conspicuously imbued with the distinctive principles of Republicanism, to succeed.

JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS was a member in good standing of the Chicago convention. We copy the following from its proceedings to show that they voted down anything like Sewardism, for fear they could not catch the "conservative” vote. LINCOLN, at Freeport, had declared in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law, and his nomination was calculated to cater to the "proslavery" sentiment. But read the following by the light of subsequent events, and tell us whether you can escape the conclusion that policy and deception was combined in the Chi

"Mr. Giddings-Mr. President, I propose to offer, after the first resolution as it stands here, as a declaration of principles, the following:

"That we solemnly re-assert the self-evident truths that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are those of life, liberty, and the tuted among men to secure the enjoyment of these rights." pursuit of happiness, (cheers) that governments are insti

"Mr. Carter, of Ohio, interrupted-Mr. President, I

"Men, no single proportion of whose heart ever beat responsive to the principles of the "Mr. Giddings-My colleague will ask no Republican party, must be conciliated; and to favors of me, I take it. (Applause.) I will dedo so William H. Seward must be sacrificed. tain the convention but a moment. Two hunLocalities where Republicanism never had vi- dred years ago the philosophers of Europe detality to breathe were coveted; and to encour-clared to the world that human governments age the effort to achieve what is unattainable, were based upon human rights, and all ChrisWilliam H. Seward was sacrificed. States who tain writers have sustained that doctrine until have never yet inhaled sufficient of the free the members of this convention. Our Fathers, spirit of Republicanism to assume its name, impressed with this all permeating truth, that demanded the immolation, and they were grat-right of every human being to live and enjoy ified. Love of consistency, admiration for a long life of devotion to freedom, and a heroic purpose to stand or fall by the noblest embodiment of undiluted and undefiled principle, all had to succumb to fancied expediency and bitter hate.

"The result is less a defeat of William H. Seward than a triumph of his personal enemies. The sentiment which culminated in his rejection was chiefly manufactured by those whose dislike of the man was infinitely in advance of their principles. For years he has been their Mordecai, at the king's gate; and by feeding the doubts of some, by exciting the apprehensions of others, and by the industrious utterance of misrepresentations to all, they have like their ancient prototype, seemingly attained the end they have so ardently coveted, and secured the discomfiture of those who have, for long years, looked and hoped for the coming day when William H. Seward should attain the exalted position for which no man living is so worthy. I know very well

that liberty, which enables him to obtain knowledge and pursue happiness, and no man has the power to withhold it from him. (Prolonged cheers.)

"Our fathers embraced this solemn truth; laid it down as the chief corner stone, the basis upon which this Federal Government was founded. of all parties, the Supreme Court included, these were the primitive, life-giving, vitalizing principles of the Constitution. It is because these principles have been overturned denied and destroyed by our opponents, that we now exist as a party. (Cheers.) At Philadelphia we called on them to meet it. They have not met it. They put forward the Supreme Court to meet it. The Court denied those principles, but the Democratis party to this day dare not deny them; and through the campaign and for four years, no Democrat has stood before the world denying that truth, nor will they. Now, I propose to maintain the doctrines of our fathers. I propose to maintain the fundamental and primeval issues upon which the Gov

ernment was founded. I will detain this Con-
vention no longer. I offer this because our
party was formed upon it. It
It grew upon it.
It has existed upon it-and when you leave out
this truth you leave out the party.

The amendment was rejected by a large majority.

have spoken for freedom everywhere, and for civilization; and, as the less is contained in the greater, so are all arts, all sciences, all economies, all refinement, all charities, all delights of life, embodied in this cause. You may reject it, but it will be only for to-day. The sac-red animosity between freedom and slavery can end only in the triumph of freedom. The same question will soon be carried before that high

LINCOLN'S LETTER ACCEPTING THE NOMINA- tribunal, supreme over Senate and Court, where

:

the Judges will be counted by millions, and where the judgment rendered will be the solemn charge of an aroused people, instructing a new President, in the name of Freedom, to see that civilization receives no detriment.

The judges' here referred to, that could be "counted by millions" and which were to be the "high tribunal" that were to bear down and reign supreme over Senate and Court," were the great army of Wide Awakes.

"SIR:-I accept the nominction tendered me by the Convention, over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in a letter of yourself and others, acting as a committed of that convention, for that purpose. The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter, meets my apThis was letting the cat out of the bag. proval, and it shall be my care not to violate SUMNER was a leader in the Republican counthem, or disregard them in any particular. Im- sels, and although that party has carried out ploring the assistance of Divine Power, and thus far, the programme here laid down by with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to SUMNER, yet for fear it would hurt their the rights of the States, and Territories and cause pending the election, many of the radipeople of the nation to the in violability of the cal's mildly denounced-not the doctrine-but Constitution, and the perpetual union, har-its utterance at that time. The New York Post mony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the convention.

"Your obliged friend and fellow citizen,
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

Now read the following in juxtaposition, and see if you can arrive at Mr. LINCOLN's aims: Extract from

Lincoln's

speech, June 17, 1858. "In my opinion it (slavery agitation) will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.

Resolution adopted at the
Chicago Convention.
"That to the Union of the
states (half slave and half
free) this nation owes its un-
precedented increase in pop-
ulation-its surprising de-
velopment of material re-
sources-its rapid augmen-
tation of wealth-its happi-
ness at home and its honor
abroad; and we hold in ab-
horrence all schemes for
Disunion, come from what-
ever source they may.
And we denounce those
threats of disunion, in case

said:

"No one, we presume, can fail to admire the ability and cogency of this address; but whether the peculiar line of argument was called for at this time, or whether it will aid in the passage of the Kansas admission bill, may admit of doubt. of doubt. It seems to us, that its invective can have little other effect than to irritate,

jects of it, and to render their prejud; the ob

more inveterate and stubborn. Mr. Chestnut, in his ill-natured and ungentlemanly reply, illustrated perhaps the truth of many of Mr. Sumner's remarks upon the manners of slave-masters, but he illustrated also the spirit in which those remarks are likely to be received. Few of the Southerners will give heed to Mr. Sumner's convincing array of facts, while all of them will be repulsed and offended by the unsparing tone of his criticism."

Upon which the Wisconsin State Journal of a popular overthrow of (which published SUMNER's speech) remarked:

their ascendancy, as deny-
ing the vital principles of a
free government, and as an
avowal of contemplated trea-
son, which it is the impera-
tive duty of an indignant
people sternly to rebuke and

for ever silence."

SUMNER OPENS THE RADICAL BALL.

"Mr. Sumner's speech presents a very marked contrast to those of Mr. Seward. The latter is always scrupulously careful, while pointing out the wrong and the impolicy of slavery, and assailing the system with the irresistible force of his logic, not to wound and esperate the personal feelings of his opponents. On the 4th of June following, Mr. SUMNRR he and Mr. Seward, while their arguments are The same may be said of Mr. Lincoln. Both made a violent speech in the Senate, which no less pointed and unanswerable than those gave the key note to the purposes of the party, of Mr. Sumner, preserve an imperturable when successful. In concluding, he said: good nature and self-possession. In this way, without kindling the angry feelings of their opThus, sir, speaking for freedom in Kansas, I ponents to the same extent, their advocacy of

: