Provision for Counting the Electoral Vote. The following is the action taken on this subject:

FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, THIRD SESSION.
IN SENATE.

Pending this resolution, offered June 15, 1880, by Mr. MORGAN:

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That the President of the Senate is not invested by the Constitution of the United States with the right to count the votes of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, so as to determine what votes shall be received and counted or what votes shall be rejected.

1881, February 3-Mr. EDMUNDS moved that it lie on the table; which was disagreed toyeas 22, nays 32:

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Baldwin, Blair, Booth, Burnside, Cameron of Wisconsin, Conkling, DAVIS of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Hamlin, Hill of Colorado, Ingalls, Kellogg, Kirkwood, Logan, Morrill, Platt, Plumb, Rollins, Windom-22.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Cockrell, Coke, Davis of West Virginia, Eaton, Farley, Garland, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, Johnston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, Lamar, McDonald, McPherson, Morgan, Pendleton, Pugh, Randolph, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vance, Vest, Walker-32.

Mr. EDMUNDS moved to amend by inserting after the word "that," the words "in the opinion of the Senate, neither the Senate nor the House of Representatives, nor," and after the word "is" strike out the word "not," so that the resolution shall read:

"That, in the opinion of the Senate, neither the Senate, nor the House of Representatives, nor the President of the Senate, is invested by the Constitution of the United States with the right to count the votes of electors for President and Vice President of the United States so as to de

termine what votes shall be received and counted or what votes shall be rejected."

Which was disagreed to-yeas 18, nays 28: YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Baldwin, Blair, Booth, Burnside, Cameron of Wisconsin, Conkling, Edmunds, Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Ingalls, Kellogg, Logan, Morrill, Rollins, Saunders, Windom-18.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Coke, Davis of West Virginia, Farley, Garland, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, | Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, Lamar, McDonald, McPherson, Morgan, Pendleton, Pugh, Randolph, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vest, Walker, Withers-28.

The resolution was then agreed to-yeas 33, nays I:

YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Cockrell, Coke, Conkling, DAVIS of Illinois, Davis, of West Virginia, Eaton, Farley, Garland, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, Hoar, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, Lamar, McDonald, McPherson, Morgan, Pendleton, Pugh, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vance, Vest, Walker-33. NAY-Mr. Whyte-1.

IN HOUSE.

No vote appears to have been taken.

FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, THIRD SESSION.
IN SENATE.

Pending this resolution, reported from the Select Committee on that subject by Mr. MORGAN:

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Repreentatives concurring), 1. That the two Houses of Congress shall assemble in the Hall of the House of Representatives on Wednesday, the 9th of February, 1881, at twelve o'clock m., and the President of the Senate shall be the presiding officer; that two persons be appointed tellers on the part of the Senate and two on the part of the House of Representatives to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared; that the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote and the persons elected, to the two Houses assembled as aforesaid, which shall be deemed a declaration of the persons elected President and Vice-President of the United States; and, together with a list of votes, be entered on the Journal of the two Houses.

2. That if it shall appear that any votes of electors for President or Vice-President of the United States have been given on a day other than that fixed for casting such votes by act of Congress, in pursuance of the Constitution of the United States, if the counting or omitting to count such votes shall not essentially change the result of the election, they shall be reported by the President of the Senate in the following manner: Were the votes of electors cast on the 1880, to be counted, the result would be for A B for President of the United States votes, and for C D for President of the United States votes; if not counted, the result would be for A B for President of the United States votes, and for C D for President of the United States votes; but in either event is elected President of the United States. And in the same manner for Vice-President.

day of

1881, February 2-Mr. EDMUNDS moved to amend by striking out the words Hall of the House of Representatives," and inserting the words "Senate Chamber;" which was disagreed to-yeas 22, nays 35:

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Cockrell, Coke, DAVIS of Illinois, Davis of W. Virginia, Farley, Garland, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, Johnston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, Lamar, McDonald, McPherson, Morgan, Pendleton, Pugh, Randolph, Ransom, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vance, Vest, Walker, Williams, Withers-35.

Mr. EATON moved to amend by striking out the words "as they shall be declared," and inserting the words "as the certificates shall be opened by the President of the Senate;" which was disagreed to-yeas 27, nays 33:

YEAS-Messrs. Baldwin, Blair, Bruce, Burnsside, Cameron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Dawes, Eaton, Edmunds, Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Ingalls, Kellogg, Kirkwood, Logan, McDonald, McMillan, McPherson, Morrill, Pendleton, Plumb, Pugh, Saunders, Teller, Vest, Williams, Windom-27.

NAYS-Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Coke, DAVIS of Illinois, Davis of West Virginia, Farley, Garland, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, Johnston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, Lamar, Morgan, Platt, Randolph, Ransom, Rollins, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vance, Voorhees, Walker, Withers-33.

After a few verbal amendments, the resolution was passed without a division.

IN HOUSE. February 5-The first resolution was agreed to, without a division; and the second, by a vote of yeas 160, nays 77:

YEAS-Messrs. Aiken, Atherton, Atkins, Baker, Beale, Belford, Beltzhoover, Bicknell, Bisbee, Blackburn, Bland, Blount, Bouck, Bowman, Bragg, Bright, Buckner, J. C. Burrows, Cabell, Caldwell, Calkins, Cannon, Carlisle, Carpenter, Chalmers, Chittenden, Clardy, 7. B. Clark, N. N. Clements, Clymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Colerick, Cook, Covert, S. S. Cox, Crapo, Cravens, Daggett, Davidson, J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, DE LA MATYR, Deuster, Dibrell, Dick, Dickey, Dunn, Dunnell, Elam, Ellis, Evins, Ewing, Felton, Ferdon, Field, Finley, Fisher, Forney, Frost, Geddes, Goode, Gunter, Hall, N. 7. Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch, Hawley, Hayes, G. C. Hazelton, Heilman, Henkle, Herbert, W. D. Hill, Hiscock, Hooker, Horr, Hostetler, House, Hunton, Johnston, G. W. JONES, Kelley, Kenna, Killinger, Kimmel, King, Kitchin, Klotz, LADD, Le Fevre, Lindsey, Lounsbery, Manning, B. F. Martin, E. L. Martin, McGowan, McKenzie, McLane, McMahon, McMillin, Mills, Money, Morrison, Morse, Morton, Myers, New, Nicholls, O'Connor, O'Neill, O'Reilly, Persons, Phelps, Philips, Phister, Poehler, Prescott, Reagan, W. W. Rice, 7. S. Richardson, G. D. Robinson, Rothwell, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Scoville,

gleton, W. E. Smith, Speer, Springer, W. L. Steele, Stephens, J. W. Stone, Talbott, . B. Taylor, P. B. Thompson, jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, Tucker, O. Turner, T. Turner, Upson, Vance, Waddill, A. J. Warner, Wellborn, Wells, Whiteaker, Whitthorne, T. Williams, Willis, Wilson, M. R. Wise, WRIGHT, Yeates-160.

NAYS-Messrs. Acklen, W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, Ballou, Bayne, Blake, Boyd, M. S. Brewer, Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Camp, Conger, Converse, Cowgill, Crowley, Culberson, G. R. Davis, H. Davis, Deering, Dwight, FORD, FORSYTHE, Fort, Frye, Godshalk, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Henderson, Houk, Hubbell, Hurd, Joyce, Keifer, Lapham, Loring, LOWE, Marsh, Mason, McCoid, McKinley, W. Miller, Monroe, Neal, Orth, Osmer, Pacheco, Pound, Price, Ray, Reed, D. P. Richardson, G. M. Robeson, T. Ryan, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Slemons, A. H. Smith, Thomas, W. G. Thompson, A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T, Updegraff, Urner, Valentine, Van Voorhis, Wait, Ward, WEAVER, Willits, W. A. Wood, C. Young, T. L. Young-77.

THE PROPOSED "JOINT RULE" ON THE SUBJECT.

This was passed by the Senate in the second session, 46th Congress, (see McPherson's HANDBOOK OF POLITICS FOR 1880, pp. 160-163), and in House was postponed till the first Monday in December, 1880. During the third session of that Congress, the subject was several times considered, but final action was not had. The Republicans "filibustered" against its passage the last day of its consideration, January 26, 1881.

For other votes on the general subject, see subsequent chapter.

The Repeal of the Law requiring Stamps on
Bank-Checks.

FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, THIRD SESSION.
IN HOUSE.

1880, December 21- - Mr. PRICE moved to suspend the rules and pass this bill:

A bill (H. R. No. 5897) repealing section 3418 of the Revised Statutes, in reference to stamps on bank-checks.

Be it enacted, etc., That section 3418 of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and the same is hereby, repealed, and that from and after the passage of this act no stamp shall be necessary upon any check such as is named in said section 3418.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 129, nays 68 (two-thirds being necessary):

YEAS-Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Atherton, Bachman, Bailey, Bicknell, Bingham, Blackburn, Blake, Bliss, Bowman, M. S. Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Buckner, Calkins, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Clymer, Coffroth, Conger, Cook, Covert, Crapo, Crowley, Daggett, G. R. Davis, H. Davis, J. J. Davis, Deering, Dunnell, Einstein, Ellis, Errett, Evins, Felton, Field, Fisher, FORD, Godshalk, Goode, Hall, J. Hammond, N. 7. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Hatch, Hawk, Henderson, Henkle,

Union emerged from the blood and fire of that conflict purified and made stronger for all the beneficent purposes of good government.

And now, at the close of this first century of growth, with the inspirations of its history in their hearts, our people have lately reviewed the condition of the Nation, passed judgment upon the conduct and opinions of political parties, and have registered their will concerning the future administration of the Government. To interpret and to execute that will in accordance with the Constitution is the paramount duty of the Executive.

Even from this brief review it is manifest that the Nation is resolutely facing to the front, resolved to employ its best energies in developing the great possibilities of the future. Sacredly preserving whatever has been gained to liberty and good government during the century, our people are determined to leave behind them all those bitter controversies concerning things which have been irrevocably settled, and the further discussion of which can only stir up strife and delay the onward march.

The supremacy of the Nation and its laws should be no longer a question of debate. The discussion which for half a century threatened the existence of the Union was closed at last in the high court of war by a decree from which there is no appeal, that the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof are, and shall continue to be, the supreme law of the land, binding alike upon the States and the people. This decree does not disturb the autonomy of the States nor interfere with any of their necessary rights of local self-government, but it does fix and establish the permanent supremacy of

the Union.

The will of the Nation, speaking with the voice of battle and through the amended Constitution, has fulfilled the great promise of 1776 by proclaiming "liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof."

The elevation of the negro race from slavery to the full rights of citizenship is the most important political change we have known since the adoption of the Constitution of 1787. No thoughtful man can fail to appreciate its beneficent effect upon our institutions and people. It has freed us from the perpetual danger of war and dissolution. It has added immensely to the moral and industrial forces of our people. It has liberated the master as well as the slave from a relation which wronged and enfeebled both. It has surrendered to their own guardianship the manhood of more than 5,000,000 of people, and has opened to each one of them a career of freedom and usefulness. It has given new inspiration to the power of self-help in both races, by making labor more honorable to the one and more necessary to the other. The influence of this force will grow greater and bear richer fruit with the coming years.

between slavery and equal citizenship. There can be no permanent disfranchised peasantry in the United States. Freedom can never yield its fullness of blessings so long as the law or its administration places the smallest obstacle in the pathway of any virtuous citizen.

The emancipated race has already made remarkable progress. With unquestioning devotion to the Union, with a patience and gentleness not born of fear, they have "followed the light as God gave them to see the light." They are rapidly laying the material foundations of selfsupport, widening their circle of intelligence, and beginning to enjoy the blessings that gather around the homes of the industrious poor. They deserve the generous encouragement of all good men. So far as my authority can lawfully extend, they shall enjoy the full and equal protection of the Constitution and the laws.

The free enjoyment of equal suffrage is still in question, and a frank statement of the issue may aid in its solution. It is alleged that in many communities negro citizens are particularly denied the freedom of the ballot. In so far as the truth of this allegation is admitted, it is answered that in many places honest local government is impossible if the mass of uneducated negroes are allowed to vote. These are grave allegations. So far as the latter is true, it is the only palliation that can be offered for opposing the freedom of the ballot. Bad local government is certainly a great evil, which ought to be prevented; but to violate the freedom and sanctities of the suffrage is more than an evil. It is a crime which, if persisted in, will destroy the Government itself. Suicide is not a remedy. If in other lands it be high treason to compass the death of the king, it shall be counted no less a crime here to strangle our sovereign power and stifle its voice.

It has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of Nations. It should be said with the utmost emphasis that this question of the suffrage will never give repose or safety to the States or to the Nation until each, within its own jurisdiction, makes and keeps the ballot free and pure by the strong sanctions of the law.

But the danger which arises from ignorance in the voter cannot be denied. It covers a field far wider than that of negro suffrage and the present condition of the race. It is a danger that lurks and hides in the sources and fountains of power in every State. We have no standard by which to measure the disaster that may be brought upon us by ignorance and vice in the citizens, when joined to corruption and fraud in the suffrage.

The voters of the Union, who make and unmake constitutions, and upon whose will hang the destinies of our governments, can transmit their supreme authority to no successors save the coming generation of voters, who are the sole heirs of sovereign power. If that generation comes to its inheritance blinded by ignorance and corrupted by vice, the fall of the Republic will be certain and remediless.

The census has already sounded the alarm in the appalling figures which mark how danger

ously high the tide of illiteracy has risen among our voters and their children.

To the South this question is of supreme importance, but the responsibility for.the existence of slavery did not rest upon the South alone. The Nation itself is responsible for the extension of the suffrage, and is under special obligations to aid in removing the illiteracy which it has added to the voting population. For the North and South alike, there is but one remedy. All the constitutional power of the Nation and of the States, and all the volunteer forces of the people, should be surrendered to meet this danger by the savory influence of universal education.

It is the high privilege and sacred duty of those now living to educate their successors and fit them, by intelligence and virtue, for the inheritance which awaits them.

In this beneficent work sections and races should be forgotten, and partisanship should be unknown. Let our people find a new meaning in the divine oracle which declares that "A little child shall lead them," for our own little children will soon control the destinies of the Republic.

My countrymen, we do not now differ in our judgment concerning the controversies of past generations, and fifty years hence our children will not be divided in their opinions concerning our controversies. They will surely bless their fathers and their fathers' God that the Union was preserved, that slavery was overthrown, and that both races were made equal before the law. We may hasten or we may retard, but we cannot prevent the final reconciliation. Is it not possible for us now to make a truce with time by anticipating and accepting its inevitable verdict?

Enterprises of the highest importance to our moral and material well-being unite us and offer ample employment of our best powers. Let all our people, leaving behind them the battle-fields of dead issues, move forward, and in their strength of liberty and the restored Union, win the grander victories of peace.

The chief duty of the National Government, in connection with the currency of the country, is to coin money and declare its value. Grave doubts have been entertained whether Congress is authorized by the Constitution to make any form of paper money legal tender. The present issue of United States notes has been sustained by the necessities of war, but such paper should depend for its value and currency upon its convenience in use and its prompt redemption in coin at the will of the holder, and not upon its compulsory circulation. These notes are not money, but promises to pay money. If the holders demand it the promises should be kept.

The refunding of the National debt at a lower rate of interest should be accomplished without compelling the withdrawal of the National bank notes, and thus disturbing the business of the country.

I venture to refer to the position I have occupied on financial questions during a long service in Congress, and to say that time and experience have strengthened the opinions I have so often expressed on these subjects.

The finances of the Government shall suffer no detriment which it may be possible for my administration to prevent.

The interests of agriculture deserve more attention from the Government than they have yet received. The farms of the United States afford homes and employment for more than one-half our people, and furnish much the largest part of all our exports. As the Government lights our coasts for the protection of mariners and the benefit of commerce, so it should give to the tillers of the soil the best lights of practical science and experience.

Our manufacturers are rapidly making us industrially independent, and are opening to capital and labor new and profitable fields of employment. Their steady and healthy growth should still be matured. Our facilities for transportation should be promoted by the continued improvement of our harbors and great interior waterways and by the increase of our tonnage on the

ocean.

The development of the world's commerce has led to an urgent demand for shortening the sea voyage around Cape Horn by constructing ship canals or railways across the isthmus which

By the experience of commercial nations in all ages, it has been found that gold and silver afford the only safe foundation for a monetary system. Confusion has recently been created by variations in the relative value of the two metals. But I confidently believe that arrangements can be made between the leading commercial nations which will secure the general use of both metals. Congress should provide that the compulsory coinage of silver now required by law may not disturb our monetary system by driving either metal out of circulation. If possible such an adjustment should be made that the purchasing power of every coined dollar will be exactly equal to its debt-paying power in all the markets of the world.

have been suggested and will need consideration; but none of them has been sufficiently matured to warrant the United States in extending pecuniary aid. The subject, however, is one which will immediately engage the attention of the Government with a view to a thorough protection to American interests. We will urge no narrow policy, nor seek peculiar or exclusive privileges in any commercial route; but in the language of my predecessor, I believe it to be the right "and duty of the United States to assert and maintain such supervision and authority over any inter-oceanic canal across the isthmus that connects North and South America as will protect our National interests."

The Constitution guarantees absolute religious freedom. Congress is prohibited from making any law respecting an establishment of religion