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the revolutions, through which this part of Italy has passed, both in ancient and modern times, our Author observes, that there is a prospect of its recovering, in a great measure, its former lustre. The work of reformation, says he, is already begun: under the late reign many abuses, introduced under the government of the Spanish viceroys, have been removed ; the court has resumed the prerogatives of sovereignty; the peasants and farmers are delivered from feudal servitude; the great Barons can no more encroach upon the property of their varfals; and one part of the nation continues equally opulent, without having in its hands the lives, the liberty, and the property of the other. But still much is yet to be done in the way of reformation. The city of Naples is supposed to contain 450,000 inhabitants; but no where, perhaps, in Europe are there so many idie hands; forty thousand rouft, lusty vagabonds (the Lazaroni), who live without profesiion, occupation, cloathing, or dwelling, dishonour its police; fleep in the open air, and reject the comforts of an easy fubfiftence, rather than purchase it by a few hours labour. The present minister (the Marquis della Sambucca), by gentle and beneficent measures, has made a laudable attempt to engage these wretches to better their fituation, by distributing among such as are willing to work, portions of land at San Leuci, and furnishing them with the instruments and inaterials that are necessary to render their industry successful. -Our Author bestows high encomiums on the poets of Naples. Among other favourites of the Muses, he celebrates particularly the Duchess de Vasto Girardi, and M. Campo Lungo, both famous for their Lyric ftrains, and the Duke de Belfort, who is considered as the Anacreon of Italy.

When we accompany our traveller to Venice, we find his observations on that republic often solid and judicious. He is far from being an admirer of its government, and he deserves a hearing on the subject. The Venetian government (according to him) does not tend to the general happiness, by methods recommendable for their mildness and fimplicity; it maintains order by inspiring terror; it diifeminates mutual suspicion and distrust among the citizens, by rendering them spies on each other; it uses stricter and harsher precautions against the insurrections of its subjects, than against the attempts of its enemies ; it always menaces, often punishes, and never rewards ; it is jealous of genius and talents, is afraid to employ them, nay, dircourages and suppresses their exertions ; it has recourse to fo. reigners for its defence, from a suspicion of the facility that na. tives may have to ufurp authority ; it is less employed in wise operations for the public good, than in artful devices to dir. guise the movements of the political machine; finally, to mainAPP. REV. Vol. LXVII. Ro

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tain its independence it imposes an iron yoke on the necks of all its subjects, and puts a bridle in their mouths, to suppress the utterance of their complaints. These lines of the Venetian government are strongly expressed, but we cannot pronounce them fallacious; and, surely, under such a government the sweets of liberty cannot be enjoyed. -We are not of our Author's opinion, that of all the different forms of government, an aristocracy is the worst; but we think he proves, with irrefiftible evidence, that of the aristocratical forms, that of Venice is very far from being the best. He enters into an ample detail of arguments on this subject, for which we refer the reader to his work. But we think the matter too clear to stand in need of a laborious discussion. If it be an avowed principle, that in the construction of any system, whether philosophical or political, the farther we depart from simplicity, the less we approach towards perfection, the conclusion deducible from this principle must be very unfavourable to the Venetian republic ; for nothing can be more complicated than the form of its government. It is an aggregate of combinations without end ; and in such a labyrinth both those who govern, and those who obey, are rather objects of compassion than of envy.

Tuscany, in its present state of progreffive improvement, furnishes good materials for an observing traveller. The state of distress and misery in which it was at the accession of the present fovereign, compared with the aspect it now exhibits, forms a contrast that does great honour to the government of LEOPOLD. He found, at his accesfion, the government loaded with debt, the subjects exhausted, and incapable of paying new taxes; the cities almost depopulated ; the country in a miferable condition, from the great decline of industry and popuJation. This is our traveller's account of the matter, abridged and softened ; and he adds, that in the space of twelve years, the Florentines had counted seven of famine. All this seems now changed, through the public-spirited vigour and activity of the present sovereign, and yet the Florentines murmur, not at their prosperity, it may be well thought, no—but at the perfons that are employed in promoting it. They cannot help reTpecting the Prince ; but they approach the throne with painful feelings of envy and jealousy, because they see it surrounded with strangers; and they do not like to receive even happiness from the ministry and counsels of Germans. This discontentej spirit is confined to the capital—and even there principally to a certain number of noble families.

Our Author's s«flections on the government of Parma, Mon dena, and other finall Italian states, where agriculture, manufactures, and all the useful arts, are suffocated under a load of unnecellary regulations and prohibitions, are sensible and judi

cious. He observes, that the government of Milan is now modelled after that of Florence, and that thus the two Royal brothers will have the glory of introducing, at least into a part of Italy, (what nature has long offered, but sovereignty' denied, to that fertile region) national felicity. We wish that the ruJers of every nation would weigh with attention M. d’ALBON'S arguments again ft the infliction of death on malefactors. His pallage through Austrian Lombardy, where the Marquis Beccaria proposed the abolition of capital punishments, in his well. known and juftly celebrated work, suggested there arguments. Capical executions in some cases may be necessary in all states, • not as a mode of punishment, as Sir William Eder so huo manely and judiciously observes, but merely as our last melancholy resource in the extermination of thole from society, whose continuance among their fellow-citizens is become inconfiftent with the public safety.' This is limiting the case wiseiy; for to admit of the infliction of death in no case, as our Author and the Marquis would have it, is stretching clemency beyond the bounds of wisdom. But there is no sort of doubt, that its being employed in so many cases, as it is with us, and other European nations, is not defenfible, either on the principles of humanity or public utility. We shall not follow our Author in his reasonings on this subject, because they must occur to every sensible man, who confiders it attentively. We shall only observe, that the pain of capital punishment, as practised among us, is fight, its shame transitory, and the life it terminates is in most cases rather a burthen than a bleffing. Is capital punishment an evil which, in corrupt and profgate minds, will counterbalance the hopes of acquiring opulence and pleasure by rapine, or of appealing the anguish of indigence by injustice? And then, take into the estimate what fociety must suffer by the untimely loss of members, which, however unworthy, might either be restored to it by their amendment, or rendered useful to it by a laborious fervitude. We morcover think, that in point of terror and example, permanent infamy and painful labour would produce more effect than a death, which is less sevére than most natural ones, and whore name is more or less modified and softened by the compassion it often excites.

Genoa is the next object that employs our traveller. . The power of this republic is entirely founded on the riches, which its subjects derive from commerce, and the wisdom that is via fible in many parts of the public administration. But, as our Author observes, it is surprising to see such a want of wisdom in other branches, such as the monopoly of bread, wine, oil, salt, and other things of this kind, which is carried on for the account of government, to the great detriment of the people,

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who buy dear, and are ill-served. The multitude of agents, which government is obliged to employ in its sales, carry away a great part of their proốt; thus expences are multiplied, but always at the public coft. It is easy to perceive how this evil must extend its influence to every branch of commerce and ma. nufacture, by encreasing the price both of goods and labour, and exposing the Genoese traders to be undersold by their competitors in other nations. The Count d'ALBON takes always along with him the state of literature and science in the countries through which he pasies. He celebrates the eminent mesit of the Marquis Lommelini at Genoa, both as a poet and a mathematician. This nobleman, to whom M. d'Alembert, certainly no fawner on high rank, dedicated one of his moft learned productions, was minister at Paris, and afterwards Doge of the republic. He carried on a poetical correspondence with the famous extemporary poetess Corilla Olympica, at whole coronation at Rome our Author was present, when (says he) the people, incensed to see Corilla obtaining the laurel that has crowned the immortal heads of Taffo and Petrarch, vented their fury in obseene prints and insults, that would have broke out into sedition, had they not teen restrained by the vigour of the magistrates. This poetical coronation-scene, as described by our traveller, was very pompous, and not less ridiculous.

Our Author gives a very interesting account of the admirable order that reigns in the government, finances, and court of the King of Sardinia, whom he holds up as a model to all fovereign princes, who are desirous of maintaining the splen. dour of the throne, without hurting the public prosperity, or exhaufting their subjects. This monarch (says he) is always well ferved, and at a fmall expence. His minifters are almost all diftinguithed by their merit; and it is to this that they, generally Ipeaking, owe their preferment. They consider the etteem and confidence of their lovereign as the most precious recompense for their fervices; and by the smallness of their appointments, they seem to make little account of the great emoJuments that are connected in other countries with the high offices of the state. The Marquis of Ormea, who filled, with great abilities and merit, the first posts of the kingdom, and held at once several that had been rarely united in one person, did not, lays our Author, draw from all his appointments above 12,000 Livres, i. e. something less than 600 pounds SterJing annually, which seems to us incredible. Since his time the profits of civil employments are augmented, and a secretary of state has a falary of 13,000 Livres. « Tne savings of the monarch (here we follow the expressions of our Author) dir. play the happy fruits of order, and are employed in the nobleft exertions of beneficence. They are divided into various and

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separate funds, allotted for the education of youth, for the formation and maintenance of useful settlements, for the encouragement of eminent merit, the relief of declining families, and of the inhabitants of districts, that have suffered by inundations, epidemical diseases, or other calamities, and for other generous and charitable purposes, that must make us congratulate the people governed by such a sovereign.

Among the learned men that belong to this country, M. d'Aleon juftly celebrates M. de la Grange, formerly Professor at Turin, at present one of the Directors of the Academy of Berlin, and undoubtedly one of the first mathematicians in Europe. He was relf-taught, never had a master, and was eas. Jy impelled, by a kind of instina, to the study of geometry, in which he has made important discoveries. His researches in the most abstruse branches of that science may be seen in the Miscelianies of the Royal Society of Turin, and the Memoirs of the Royal Academies of Paris and Berlin.

Our Author's obfervations on SPAIN and PORTUGAL keep up attention, These countries, particularly the latter, have been less frequented and described by travellers than most others. He mentions the improvements that the present King of Spain has made in that country, by cutting navigable canals, erecting bridges, making public roads, appointing public care riages to facilitate travelling, and, above all, by inflituting a society, under the denomination of Friends to their Country, whore great object is the encouragement of agriculture and useful arts.

But, as our Author observes, much yet remains to be done in that country. He points out the abuses and grievances that are yet unredressed, the corruptions of the court, the despotic pretensions and privileges of the Spanish grandees, the use of the torture, which ro often terminates in the triumph of guilt and the condemnation of innocence; but with respect to the Inquisition, he lets the thermometer of his zeal sink several degrees, and examines the FoR and against of this odious tribunal with a spirit of moderation, or rather with a phlegmatic tranquillity - which is somewhat surprising in a writer who is both hot-headed and humane.

His description of PorTUGAL as without agriculture, manufactures, population, strength, or motion, in the midit of a fine climate and a fertile territory, is painful to humanity. His account of the character and administration of the Marquis of Pombal is a good piece of moral painting, which is too long to be transcribed, and would suffer by being abridged. The result, however, is, that this famous minister had great paris, extensive knowledge, audacious ambition, exhibited the contrast of unrelenting cruclty and humane fenfibility, and involved in

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