Sambagi appeared before Aurengzebe with undaunted brow; who reproached Caulis Caun, not with his treachery, but the encouragement which his profituted miniftry had given to vices which at -length had led his fovereign to ruin; and ordered him to inftant death. To Sambagi he proffered life and rank in his fervice, if he would turn Mahomedan; who answered by an invective against the prophet, and the laud of his own gods. On which he was dreffed in the fantastic ornaments of a wandering Indian devotee, who begs in villages with a rattle and a cap with bells. In this garb, he was tied, looking backwards, úpon a camel, and led through the camp, calling on all the Rajpoots he faw to kill him, but none dared, After the proceffion, his tongue was cut out, as the penalty of blafpheming Mahomed. In this forlorn condition Aurengzebe, by a meffage, again offered to preferve his life if he would be converted; when he wrote, "Not if you would give me your daughter in marriage;" on which his execution was ordered, and performed by cutting out his heart, after which his limbs and body were feparated, and all together were thrown to dogs prepared to devour them. Manouchi fays, that Aurengzebe beheld and enjoyed the fpectacle, which is fcarcely credible. Nevertheless, human nature wonders at his inflexible cruelty, as much as it admires the invincible courage of Sambagi; whofe death produced not the expected effect of fubmiflion from any part of the Morattoe government, which it only animated the more to continue the war.'

Three fuch chiefs, as the two above mentioned, and Hyder Ally, are more than ordinarily fall to the share of one people in one century!

This little volume, with the notes, contains a great deal of hiftorical information, carefully felected; the ufe of which is facilitated by a full Index. But though the Author's attention defcends to the minuteness of recording even the day of the month when the feveral parts of it were printed; he leaves us uncertain, what more we are to expect on the fubject, or whether under the name of History or Fragments. What we now have under the latter term, being called Section I. does indeed imply a continuation; which thofe who intereft themselves in Eaftern hiftory, will no doubt be very glad to receive in his own manner: and the general merit of the whole leads us to wish there were fewer quaintneffes of phrafeology, as well as fewer errors of the prefs, to be found in it.

it were moreover to be wished, that writers upon Eaflern affairs, who may polibly multiply, would fettle the orthography of Eaftern names and offices, fo that we might not miflake them when they occur in different works, and at different times.

POLITICA L.

Art. 46. Confiderations on the Provifional Treaty with America, and the Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Cadell. 1784.

In this defence of the peace, which is conducted with coolness, perfpicuity, and judgment, the Author reafons on the principles of general equity and national policy. The ground he takes is liberal; and the arguments which he raifes on it, in fupport of the main ob

ject of his work, are confirmed by an appeal to clear and indubitable facts.

After a few obfervations on the deftructive policy of the American war, and the neceffity, not of partially amending, but of totally altering the wrong fyftem which had given it fupport, he enters more particularly into an examination of the feveral articles which compose the treaty for peace; and vindicates them from the mistakes and mifreprefentations of thofe who had not well-weighed them, or were interested in decrying them.

He obferves, that we had not a moment to lofe; and that if we had loft the opportunity of reconciliation with America, it would, in all probability, never have returned till England was totally undone. Surely (fays he) it was the business of a wife politician to feize the moment of conciliation, and to prevent the establishment of a union [with France] which might have been followed with the most fatal effects. It is a remarkable fact, and a fact but little known in this country, that the Americans had it in contemplation to have a book compofed, containing a distinct and feparate history of the fufferings their people had endured; which book was to be made use of in the inftruction of their children, to inspire them with a lasting sense of the calamities their forefathers had experienced. Such an inftitution would have continued an evil spirit for ages, and might for ever have prevented a coalition of interests, and the recovery of a real and durable affection. But fince the ceffation of hoftilities, and the acknowledgment of the independency of the United States, the defign hath been wholly laid afide, and I trust that no circumstance will ever hereafter occur which fhall occafion farther animofities.'

On this occafion we cannot but recollect the effect which the narrative [whether literally true, or exaggerated] of the cruelties of the Dutch toward our countrymen at Amboyna. Thofe details, with Dryden's tragedy on the fame fubject, have made impreffions on the minds of Englishmen which many centuries, perhaps, will not be able

to eraze.

The Author examines, in regular detail, the feveral ftipulations of the Provisional Treaty, and the Preliminary Articles; but as we cannot follow him through the whole of his obfervations, we will fele&t those which appear to us of the greatest importance; leaving our more informed Readers to judge of their force and propriety.

Objections, fomewhat plausible, have been made to the fecond Article of the Provisional Treaty, respecting the boundaries affigned to the United States in the northern districts bordering on Canada. To obviate the objections which have been urged on this head, the Author remarks, that the limits which are fixed upon, are, for the most part, thofe natural limits which are pointed out by the courfe of lakes and rivers; and confequently they are the only ones that could have been chofen, without giving afterward occafion to much diforder and contention.-It may farther be observed, that the boundaries allotted to the United States are the boundaries which were formerly confidered as belonging to the country. Indeed, by the Quebec Act, paffed in the year 1774, the limits of Canada were greatly extended. But that was an act that was calculated for tyran nical

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nical purpofes, and which was particularly hoftile to the North Americans; and therefore it was not to be expected that it should be fixed upon as the basis of the prefent treaty.

That the Canada fur trade will in part be affected, cannot be de- ' nied. In confequence of the late troubles in America, the Quebec merchants have for fome time poffeffed the monopoly of that trade: but it was not in the nature of the thing, that the monopoly fhould always be preserved: and it is not an object fo great as to merit the continuance of the war.' He obferves, that the best part of the fur trade will fill be in the hands of British merchants; for the beavers are in the greatest plenty, and beft cloathed with fur, in the countries which lie northward of the lakes. As this is the cafe, it will be our merchants' own fault, if the Indians who hunt in our territory, trade with any other perfons; especially as the articles for which they exchange their game, are thofe which this kingdom is beft able to fupply.

With refpect to the forts which lie on the fouth fide of the British boundary, the Author remarks, that the retention of them would have been inconfiftent with every principle of prudence and policy. They would have created jealoufies, and have been a perpetual fource of difcord and contention. Add to this, the fupport of them would have been attended with an enormous expence to this country: to which the advantage that would have accrued from them would have borne no proportion. We are here informed, from the most authentic records of the Treasury (for our Author's information comes from high authority, and is not picked up from common report, or the vague and precarious accounts of the news papers), that the province of Canada hath coft the government for fix years and four months, ending in October 1782, the prodigious fum of five millions two hundred and ninety-nine thousand pounds and upwards. A comparifon, in the Appendix, is made between the expences of the province and its trade with England; and it appears on a fair estimate that all its imports and exports in the fame period taken together, fail vastly short, even by many hundred thousand pounds, of this enormous fum that government hath expended in its protection; and yet of late years, fiom peculiar circumftances, its trade hath confiderably increafed.

On the Article refpe&ting the Loyalifs, the Author fpeaks with much candour and good fenfe. It was not in the power of the American Commiffioners to proceed farther than they did; neither is it in the power of Congress to do more than earnestly to recommend the Loyalists to compaffion and favour. Each particular State in America is fovereign and fupreme in itself, with regard to legislative and judicial authority; and, therefore, cannot be controuled in the exercife of its jurifdiction over its own fubjects. Every man's cafe must be determined by the laws and judicature of the province to which he belongs; and from the decifion that takes place there can be no authoritative appeal. Congrefs can only interfere by an earnest recommendation; and the earnest recommendation of Congrefs, unless impeded by imprudent conduct on this fide the water, cannot fail of producing powerful effects. It would be better to treft, in fome degree, to the wifdom and liberality of the American States, better to fuppofe that Rev. April, 1783.

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they may be capable of an enlarged and generous behaviour, than to awaken their prejudices, and excite their anger, by premature fufpicions and accufations. Government could not do more for the Loyalifs than it has done, unless it had abfolutely continued the war on their account. But certainly it would be more eligible to recomperce them here to the full amount of their demands, than to ruin the nation, by perfilling in that courfe of hoftilities, the fatal confequences of which we had already fo deeply experienced.'

The Author concludes his obfervations on the Provifional Treaty, with the following fpirited reflections: Those who had fo long reprobated the war with the Colonies as impolitic, ruinous, and even unjuft, ought to be the laft to complain of the return of peace. However hostile they may be to the perfons of fome great men, confillency of character and conduct would require, that they should approve of measures which they themselves would have adopted, had they continued in power. As to those who were the most fanguine for American fubjugation, and the most active in attempting it, it behoves them to remember, that if any unpleafint conditions have been fubmitted to, their bad counfels and wretched management have impofed that neceffity upon the nation. It would therefore be decent in them, from a confcious fenfe of fhame and reproach, to feal their lips in eternal filence."

With the fame fpirit of candour and good fenfe, this judicious Writer enters on the confideration of the feveral Preliminary Articles with France and Spain. He attemp's to fhew, that the ceffions we have made were either inconfiderable or unavoidable. The places we have given up have been rated too high. At all events it was politic to part with them for the fake of peace (the greatest bleffing we could wish for, and an obje& that was become of fach indifpenfible neceffity that it could be protracted no longer without immenfe hazard or inevitable ruin) fince an obftinate retention of them, for the fake of honour, would only have added to the evils which our pride and folly have already accumulated on this diftreffed country. This point is reafoned with much folidity and perfpicuity, by an investigation of facts and circumstances, calculated to throw light on the general argument: and, on a view of the whole, the Author makes this animated appeal to the general fentiments of the people: Notwithflanding the clamours which have been attempted to be raised against the peace, is there a man among us, who, without regard to private purposes, wishes for the continuance of the war? Is there a man who feriously thinks, that more advantageous terms were to be expected? Is there a man who can lay his hand upon his heart, and, looking to God and his country, affert, that he wishes the nation to be again involved in its conteft with France and Spain, Holland and America? If there be those who make light of fuch a confederacy; if there be thofe, who not only imagine that a better treaty might have been negociated, but that the terms agreed upon were fo inadequate to what we had reafon to expect, that the renewal of hoftilities would have been more eligible than to have yielded to the conditions we have complied with; if there be politicians who fancy, that in going on for a compaign or two longer, we fhould have met with nothing but victory, and that we should have entirely beaten the fleets and armies of our enemies, let me be permitted to tell them, that nothing can

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be fo idle and groundless as imaginations of this kind; and that to have acted upon them would have been the height of folly and infatuation. What little reafon there could be to prefer the continuance of the war to the peace which has been obtained, will appear to a demonftration, if we advert to the flate of our army, the ftate of our navy, and the fate of our finances.'

With respect to the army, it is obferved by our intelligent Author, that more than twenty-five thousand men were wanting to render the establishment effective; and that the recruiting fervice had become desperate.' Though our fleet be in a flourishing flate, yet it was by no means equal to the combined force of our enemies: we having only ninety-nine fhips of the line capable of fervice, and the enemy, according to the lowest calculation, one hundred and twentyfix.

The ftate of our finances is alfo very alarming. The national debt, on the 5th of January 1783, funded and unfunded, amounted to two hundred and forty-feven millions, three hundred and twenty thousand pounds and upwards. The total of the yearly intereft is eight millions, one hundred and fifty thousand pounds and upwards. • Was this a period to protract the war; to protract it in the hopes of gaining advantages highly improbable, and perhaps impollible to be gained; to protract it only to be reduced to a more deplorable fituation, with an accumulated load on ourselves and our pofterity? Whatever ignorance, pride, or faction may dictate, peace was abfolutely neceffary, and the acquifition of it should be a matter of thankfulness and congratulation."

The Author hints, that, if fome fecrets of very great confequence were disclosed, the neceflity of the peace would fill appear more obvious. But as the revealing them would be highly improper in our prefent circumstances, he pays a compliment to the late ministry for their prudence and generonty in declining to have recourse to them in felf-vindication, notwithstanding the irritating reflections which have been fo liberally thrown on their conduct and characters, for ating a part which deferves the warmest applause of their country. What thefe fecrets are we know not; but we think enough is known to refcue the reputation of the miniftry from that load of infamy which interefted and party zeal would throw upon it. Art. 47. Thoughts on the Difficulties and Diftreffes in which the Peace of 1783 has involved the People of England; on the prefent Difpofition of the English, Scots, and Irish, to emigrate to America; and on the Hazard they run (without certain Precautions) of rendering their Condition more deplorable. Addreffed to the Right Honourable Charles James Fox. By John King, Efq. 8vo. is. 6d. Fielding.

The thoughts of John King, Efq; are very defultory, and harshly expreffed, in a declamatory ftrain; he glances at many private anecdotes of a political nature, and treats characters of all complexions and degrees with great afperity: but what end is to be answered by the publication beyond his own gratification, does not readily appear." The address to Mr. Fox is a bitter invective against that celebrated

orator.

Art. 48. Confequences (Not before adverted to) that are likely to refult from the late Revolution of the British Empire; with the

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probable