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be fo idle and groundless as imaginations of this kind; and that to have acted upon them would have been the height of folly and iatatuation. What little reason there could be to prefer the continuance of the war to the peace which has been obtained, will appear to a demonftration, if we advert to the state of our army, the fate of our navy, and the late of our finances.'

With respect to the army, it is observed by our intelligent Author, that more than twenty-tive thousand mea were wanting to render the establishment effective ; and that the recruising service had become desperate.' Though gur feet be in a fiourithing flate, yet it was by no means equal to the combined force of our enemies: we having only ninety-nine fhips of the line capable of service, and the enemy, according to the lowest calculation, one hundred and twentyfix. The state of our finances is also very alarning. The national debt, on the gih of January 1783, funded and uniunded, amounted to two hundred and forty-seven millions, three hundred and twenty thousand pounds and upwards. The total of the yearly intereit is eight millions, one hundred and fifty thousand pounds and upwards. • Was this a period to protract the war; 10 protract it in the hopes of gaining advantages highly improbable, and perhaps impofiible to be gained; to protract it only to be reduced to a more deplorable fituacion, with an accumulated load on ourselves and our porterity? Whatever ignorance, pride, or faction may dictate, peace was absolo:ely neceffary, and the acquifition of it should be a matter of thankfulness and congra:ulation.'

The Author hints, that, if some secrets of very great consequence were disclosed, the peceflity of the peace would till appear more obvious. But as the revealing them would be highly improper in our present circumstances, he pays a compliment to the la:e ministry for their prudence and generonty in declining to have recourse to them in self-vindication, notwithilanding the irritating reflections which have been fo liberally thrown on their conduct and characters, for ating a part which deserves the warmest applause of their country. What these secrets are we know nor; but we think enough is known to rescue the reputation of the ministry from that load of infany which interested and party zeal would throw upon it. Art. 47. Thoughts on the Difficulties and Di/lreffes in which the

Peace of 1783 kas involved ibe People of Engiand; on the present Disposition of the English, Scots, and Irish, to emigrate to America; and on the Hazard they run (without certain Precautions) of rendering their Condition more deplorable. Addressed to the Right Honourable Charles James Fox. By Joha King, Esq. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Fielding.

The thoughts of John King, Esq; are very desultory, and hardhly exprefled, in a declamatory Itrain; he glances at many private anecdoies of a political nature, and creats characters of all complexions and degrees with great asperity : but what end is to be answered by the publication beyond bis own gratification, does not readily appear. The address to Mr. Fox is a bitter iøvective against that celebrated Art. 48. Consequences (Not before adverted to) that are likely 10 result from ibe late Revolution of the British Empire; with the B b 2

probable

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they may be capable of an enlarged and generous behaviour, than to awaken their prejudices, and excite their anger, by premature fufpicions and accusations. Government could not do more for the Loyalills than it has done, unless it had absolutely continued the war on their account. But certainly it would be more eligible to recom perce them here to the full amount of their demands, than to ruin the nation, by perfilling in that course of hoftilities, the fatal consequences of which we had already so deeply experienced.'

The Author concludes bis observations on the Provisional Treaty, with the following spirited reflections: 'Those who trad so long reprobated the war with the Colonies as impolitic, ruinous, and even unjult

, ought to be the last to complain of the return of peace, However hostile they may be to the persons of some great men, confiliency of character and conduct would require, that they should apa prove of measures which they themselves would have adopted, had they continued in power. As to those who were the most fanguine for American subjugation, and the most active in attempting it, it behoves them to remember, that if any unpleasint conditions have been submitted to, their bad counsels and wretched management have imposed thai neceflity upon the nation. It would therefore be decent in them, from a conscious sense of thame and seproach, to seal theis lips in eternal lilence."

With the same spirit of candour and good sense, this jadicious Writer enters on the confideration of the several Preliminary Articles with France and Spain. He a temp's to thew, that the cellions we have made were either inconsiderable or unavoidable. The places we have given up have been rated too bigh. At all events it was politic to part with them for the fake of peace (the greates bleffing we could with for, and an object that was become of sach indica penfible necesity that it could be protracted no longer without immense hazard or inevitable ruin) since an obitinate retention of them, for the sake of honour, would only have added to the evils which our pride and folly have already accumulated on this diftreffed country. This point is reasoned with much folidity and perfpicuity, by an in. veligation of facts and circum tances, calculated to throw light on the general argument: and, on a view of the whole, the Author makes this animated appeal to the general sentiments of the people : Notwithlanding the clamours which have been attempted to be raised agaiost the peace, is there a mon among us, who, without regard to private purposes, wishes for the continuance of the war? Is there a man who seriously thinks, that more advantageous terms were to be expected ? Is there a man who can lay his hand upon his heart, and, looking to God and his country, affert, that he wilhes the nation to be again involved in its contest with France and Spain, Holland and America? If there be those who m ke light of such a confederacy; if there be thole, who not only imagine ibat a better treaty might have been negociated, but that the terms agreed upon were so inadequate to what we liad reason to expect, that the renewal of hoftilities would have been more eligible than to have yielded to the conditions we bare complied with ; if there be politicians who fancy, that in going on for a compaign or two longer, we should have met with nothing but victory, and that we should tave entirely beaten the fleets and armies of our enemies, let me be permitted to tell them, that nuthing can Art. 52. The Reports of the Commissioners appointed to examine,

take, and state, the Public Accounts of the Kingdom ; presented to his Majesty, and to both Houses of Parliament: with the Appendixes complete. By William Mollefon, Secretary to the Commisfioners. Vol. I. 410. il. is. Cadell. 1783.

When affairs appear to go wrong, either in regard to a political fate, or a private individual, prudence dictates an examination into circumstances with a view to @conomy, wherever there may be oppor. tunity for savings. Our respectable brother Reviewers' have paid great attention to this important work, and have acquitted themselves to general satisfaction. Their Reports, seven in number, have been sufficiently retailed in the public papers; and are employed on the following subjects:

J. Balances in the Hands of the Receivers General of the Land-tax. II. Accountants who receive Public Money from the Subject, to be

paid into the Exchequer. III, Balances in the Hands of the Treasurers of the Navy. IV. Balances in the Hands of Paymasters General of the Forces,

out of Office. V. Balances in the Hands of Paymasters General of the Forces, in

Office. VI. Salaries, Fees, and Gratuities, received by Officers and Clerks

in the Pay-Offices of the Navy and Army, and in the Receipt

of the Exchequer. VII. Accounts of the Extraordinary Services of the Army, incurred,

and no: provided for by Parliament. The publication of the Reports made during the present feflion, is to follow, with a general index to the whole. Art. 53. The Chronicle of the Kingdom of Cafliterides, under the

Reign of the House of Lunen. A Fragment. Translated from an ancient Manuscript. 8vo. Wilkie. 1783.

It is easy to conceive, on reading this title, that some present temporary event may be couched under the guise of an ancient chronicle; but as the only end of attempting the itory of the American war in the file of Jewish history must have been humour, we have only to wish the Author had laboured for a better purpose : he might then, probably, if fuccesssul, have reaped some advantage ; at present, he has laboured in vain. Art. 54. Sequel to an Ejay on the Origin and Progress of Govern

6 d. Cadell. 1783. Con Gsts of defultory thoughts (bat not without a considerable Mare of vivacity and good sense) on the pernicious tendency of a Tory-Administration, and its unsuitablenels, in every point of effential consequence, to the constitution of England. The Writer not only reasons speculatively on the principles of that constitution, but supports and confirms his argument by an appeal to clear and indirputable facts. Some of his allusions are happy enough ; but there are others that are far-fetched and inapplicable, not to say low and vulgar. " The city of Troas was overthrown by mice; and England and its conftitution (says be) have been undermined, and more than

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* See Review for November lait, p. 395.

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probable Effe&ts upon the Territorial Poffe nons, the Commercial Interests, Naval Sirength, Manufactures, Population, Resources, Landed Interest, and Public Funds of Great Britain ; and a Com. parative Review of the Strength, Resources, and Public Credit, of the late Belligerent Powers, as the Conclusion of the Peace. 8vo. is. Wilkie, &c.

When a political writer undertakes to condemn any public mea. fures, nothing short of the ab.olute ruin of the nation is to follow from them! We have, however, had the attending consolation of others, who have equally fed our hopes with views of prosperity: and between one and the other, we have made thift to go on as we have done ever since political measures have been subject to general difcussion; that is, luctuating between better and worse. We hope fi!! to do at least as well; for, notwithftanding this peace is big with ruinous consequences, our Author, in his comparison between the circumftances of the contending powers, gives us a glimmering of 'comfort, by affuring us, that France could not have raised the curTent supplies for another campaign fo easily as great Britain could have raised 'fifiy or fixty millions sterling, which, if even fo much was necessary, would not have been difficult, while taxes were to be found to secure payment of the interest, with which we are ample provided. And if either the Firf Lord of the Treafury, or the Chan. cellor of the Exchequer, who were concerned in making this peace, will avow that this is not the case, the Author here pledges him. self to the Public to refute such avowal.' Though we do not clearly perceive the nature of this pledge, given by the Lord knows who, we believe he will agree with us, that it is posible we might even yet escape ruin, if so able a financier were associated in the memorable coalicion. Art. 49. The important Debate of Monday, March 24, in the

House of Commons, on an Address to his Majesty, beseeching him to form an Administration. Bladon.

No explanation neceffary. Art. 50. Observations on Ministerial Anarchy : most respect.

fully addrefled to the Confideration of the Independent Part of the Constitution, with a view to future Prevention, as well as pretent Redress. 4to. IS.

Southern. It is not easy to pass over in absolute filence the ingenuity that could ftring together fixtecn pages of rhapsodical, ill-contruded fertences, without expresing one clear idea! Art. 51. The Coalition; or, an Essay on the present Ştate of

Parties. 8vo. 1 S. Faulder. 1783. A few natural but severe remarks on a late ministerial compromise, that has occasioned no little astonishment in the political circle. Yes it may be questioned, low far pruduce is concerned in reprobating such a connexion, at a time when every one was alarmed at the minifterial interregnum, and every voice called aloud for some responfible administrators of public affairs ! The former animosity of the present contrading parties, with the example they exhibit of Christian forgiveness, may operate to check the eccentricities of each; and to kecp them mutually in the only proper line of condea that can Glence the observations of wonderers.

Art.

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Art. 52. The Reports of the Commissioners appointed to examine,

take, and flate, the Public Accounts of the Kingdom ; presented to his Majesty, and to both Houses of Parliament: with the Appendixes complete. By William Mollefon, Secretary to the Commisfioners. Vol. I. 410. il. Is. Cadell. 1783.

When affairs appear to go wrong, either in regard to a political fate, or a private individual, prudence dictates an examination into circumstances with a view to economy, wherever there may be

oppor. tunity for savings. Our respectable brother Reviewers have paid great attention to this important work, and have acquitted themleives to general fatisfaction. Their Reports, seven in number, have been fufficiently retailed in the public papers; and are employed on the following fubjects :

I. Balances in the Hands of the Receivers General of the Land.tax.
II. Accountants who receive Public Money from the Subject, to be
I paid into the Excheques.
III. Balances in the Hands of the Treasurers of the Navy.
IV. Balances in the Hands of Paymasters General of the Forces,

out of Office. V. Balances in the Hands of Paymasters General of the Forces, in

Office. VI. Salaries, Fees, and Gratuities, received by Officers and Clerks

in the Pay-Ofices of the Navy and Army, and in the Receipt

of the Exchequer. VII. Accounts of the Extraordinary Services of the Army, incurred,

and no: provided for by Parliament. The publication of the Reports made during the present feflion, is to follow, with a general Index to the whole. Art. 53. The Chronicle of the Kingdom of Caffiterides, under the

Reign of the House of Lunen. A Fragment. Translated from an ancieot Mandicript. 8vo. Wilkie. 1783.

It is easy to conceive, on reading this title, that some present temposary event may be couched under the guise of an ancient chronicle; but as the only end of attempting the itory of the American war in the tile of Jewish bistory must have been humour, we have only to with the Author had laboured for a better purpose : he might then, probably, if successful, have reaped some advantage ; at present, he has laboured in vain. Art. 54. Sequel to an Elay on the Origin and Progress of Govern

6 d. Cadell. 9783. Con Gits of desultory thoughts (bat not without a considerable Mare of vivacity and good sense) on the pernicious tendency of a Tory-Administration, and its unsuitableners, in every point of effential consequence, to the constitution of England. The Writer not only reasons speculatively on the principles of that consisution, but fupports and confirms his argument by an appeal to clear and indirputable facts. Some of his allusions are happy enough ; but there are others that are far-fetched and inapplicable, not to say low and vulgar. The city of Troas was overthrown by mice; and England and its conftitution (says he) have been undermined, and more than

IS.

ment *.

dvo.

See Review for November last, p. 3o5.

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