his liberal education, and more particularly, his intimacy with the Emperor, we cannot perfuade ourselves that he would fo far forget himself as to glance at the character of any perfon then high in power, much less that he would arraign the public conduct of Auguftus.

·

It may be next obferved, that we are uncertain whether the prefent arrangement of the Odes correfponds with the chronological order of their compofition, and, confequently, whether the Ode in queftion might have been compofed before Auguftus had leifure to attend to public buildings, which he had not till after the death of Anthony; and at that time Horace was thirty-four years of age. This poet, we have reafon to believe, had diftinguished himself by his compofitions when he was at Athens. Without a recommendation of this kind, it is not probable that Brutus would have at once raised a tax-gatherer's fon to the rank of a military tribune. Horace was not introduced to Mæcenas till two or three years after this; and yet the first Ode, Satire, and Epiftle are infcribed to that ftatef man. It is certain, that Horace's journey to Brundufium was fix, or perhaps feven years before the death of Antony; and he then compofed his fifth Satire. Either of thefe answers would fuffice to an unprejudiced mind. But the truth of the matter is as follows: Auguftus, from his being first at the head of an army, was for many years involved in a continued fucceffion of dangerous wars. As foon as he had it in his power, and during the following part of his life, he spared no expence in decorating the city with public edifices, while his own house on Mount Palatine, and his villas, were conftructed after a plain and fimple manner, having furniture corresponding to the frugality of the buildings. By this moderation in his private expence, he meant to fet an example to the richer citizens of Rome, whofe extravagance in erecting fuperb houses in Rome, and all over Italy, and in ornamenting thefe, exceeded all bounds. This private magnificence, and enormous expence, was productive of the worst effects; for it not only incapacitated the citizens to contribute in rearing and fupporting the temples, as had been the cuf tom of their ancestors in the times of fimplicity, but was an inducement to rob the provinces, as the proconfuls, and others bearing offices there, had it in their power. Horace, therefore, in this Ode, feconds the Emperor in his efforts to correct a dangerous vice; whilst the poet, in a delicate manner, offers incenfe to him, in applauding his temperance and moderation in conducting his private affairs.'

Speaking of the neceffity of a common language among learned men, It is to be regretted,' fays he, that our feminaries have, for fome years back, relaxed in the ufe of the Greek and Latin; and it is not a little to the honour of some ftudents in the universities, both of Great Britain and of France, who, feeing the inconveniencies attending the neglect of thefe languages, have of themselves formed affociations for their improvement in them; and that fome of these young men have thus acquired a readiness in speaking and in writing Latin with confiderable elegance.' In what univerfities fuch affociations

are

are formed, we know not; we are of opinion, it is not in our own, as they would certainly be unneceffary. The inferiority of prefent times to the paft, has been one of the idle topics of declamation in almost every period of the world. There is every reason to believe that ancient literature is as much studied at our English univerfities, particularly at Oxford, as it has ever been fince letters were revived. And even though Cambridge, from the preference which is there given to mathematical learning, cannot, perhaps, boaft fo many claffical fcholars as her fifter, he has ftill a fufficient number to rescue he. from the imputation that is implied in the paffage above quoted. It reminds us of a news-paper reformer, who appeared a few months ago; who, in new-modelling the Univerfity of Oxford, propofed the establishment of a profcitorship of common-law; having never heard, we fuppofe, of the Vinerian Profefforship, nor of Dr. Blackftone, nor of his commentaries, nor of the present able and ingenious Profeffor, Dr. Wooddefon!

It may be neceffary to obferve, that thefe letters feem de figned rather for the perufal of those whofe literary tafte is yet forming, than for fuch as are already intimately converfant with literary fubjects. It must not, however, be fuppofed, that they are incapable of furnishing amufement, or even inftruction, to the more enlightened ftudent. For though the author certainly poffeffes no great powers of originality, either of thought or compofition, his ideas, if not always brilliant, are mostly juft; and his language, though not elegant, is ufually clear and unaffected: even where it is the leaft eafy or graceful, it is neither harsh, nor (if some trivial provincialisms be excepted) impure. In fhort, though this writer may poffibly be thought, like many other of the Scotch metaphyfical book-makers, too fond of defining the indefinite, and dividing the indivifible; his work nevertheless, abounds with much good fenfe, and useful informa tion.

ART. IV. Letters Military and Political. From the Italian of Count Algarotti, Knight of the Order of Merit, and Chamberlain to the King of Pruffia. 8vo. 5 s. Boards. Egerton. 1782.

THIS

HIS tranflation is not accompanied with any introduction or preface; and no hiftory is given of the original work. Yet the English Reader had a title to expect fome information concerning the genuineness of the performance, the time of its publication, and the probable views of the Author.

With regard to the Letters themselves, they certainly had a good claim to the honours of our language. They compre

We have, however, no doubt of its authenticity.
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REV. Jan. 1783.

hend

hend a great variety of fubjects, and have a reference to ancient as well as modern times. They treat of war, and of policy; and, in these great departments, the late ingenious Count Algarotti was no mean proficient.

He goes back to antiquity, to fpeculate on the intended expedition of Julius Cæfar against the Parthians; and he has written a very curious Letter on what he terms, the Military science of Virgil.' He exhibits details relative to the military machines of the ancients, and concerning their fieges and naval engagements. On the military improvements of the King of Pruffia, he is full, and even copious. He enters into reafonings concerning the taking of Bergen-op-zoom, and the battles of Lowofitz and Molwitz. He extols the military fyftem sketched out by Machiavel. He inquires into the military power of the European mercantile companies in Afia. He enlarges on the military and political conduct of Mr. Pitt, when he directed the affairs of England; and he examines the peace which was concluded between this country and France in the year 1762. We mention these topics more particularly, becaufe they are the most important which have fallen under his obfervation..

In giving his fentiments to the world, Count Algarotti adopts, in this performance, the epiftolary form; and his letters are addreffed to real perfons. His work has thus a charm that detains and pleases his reader. His manner is gay and fprightly. His acquaintance with high life afforded him excellent opportunities of information; and the anecdotes fcattered through his volume are a striking proof that he knew how to profit by this advantage. At the fame time, it is proper to obferve, that he was neither deficient in profoundness nor in curiofity; and that he has been able to blend inftruction with amufement. This is the bright fide of the Count. But when we examine the reverse, we perceive, that there are many things worthy of cenfure. His mode of writing is often too defultory; and his learning is not always exact. He is often too quaint and affected. He poffeffes a pronenefs to refinement; and on a favourite fubject he is fometimes even romantic. His admiration, for example, of the King of Pruffia and of Machiavel is beyond all bounds. But being a man of genius, he is always entertaining; and his book, of confequence, must command a very confiderable degree of attention.

As it will be expected that we fhould lay before our Readers a fpecimen of Count Algarotti's manner, we fhall feiect what he has written concerning Lord Chatham. It is inftructive, as well as curious, to know the opinion of a penetrating foreigner concerning the moft illufirious ftatefman of our times. This quotation accordingly, while it will inform our Readers of the talents of Algarotti, will recall to them, in a forcible manner, the man, who brought this country to its highest glory, and who

lived to behold it on the brink of déftruction; whofe counfels, notwithstanding his wifdom, were not only neglected, but even derided; and whofe death, extinguishing the envy of his enemies, taught them to return to their admiration of him, and to compenfate for their refentnient and littleness, by concurring in the vote of honours to his name, and of emoluments to his family:

Have you been informed of the news from America? The French have been furrounded at Montreal, and obliged to furrender; fo they may take their farewell of the New World. The English are now mafters of that immenfe tract of country included in Canada and Louifiana, from the Gulf of St. Laurence to that of Mexico; and now the extent of their colonies there merits that title, which before had too pompous an appearance in the maps, THE BRITISH EM

PIRE.

Who ever would have fuppofed, that those Iroquois, as we may call them, separated from the rest of the world, whom Julius Cæfar diícovered, and Agricola deigned to conquer, whole faces were in ancient times exhibited as a spectacle of derifion, and they employed in the moft fervile offices,-that these Uitimi Orbis, as Horace terms them, fhould one day become the first, what the Romans were, amongst other nations ?-that thofe, who formerly were unacquainted with the moft fimple branches of hufbandry, and lived entirely upon milk and flesh, fhould now become fo many Serrani, their ifland the Egypt of France, of Spain, and Portugal? Who could have imagined, that a people terrified at the fight of the Italian veffels, and after wards fo much delighted with a galley laden with faufages and mufk wine, which Julius the Second fent, in order to incite them to take arms against France, fhould in the iffue tranfport to all parts of the world the riches of the Indies, and their own, and cover the fea with their fhips of war? They have done wonders under Cromwell, and Marlborough, fince the times of Elizabeth, who was truly the foundrefs of the English grandeur: all this, however, was but a prelude to what was to be done in our days, under the conduct of a Pirt. I myfelf faw this luminary of the age rife and expand itfelf in the most turbulent times that England ever experienced, while the oppofition against Sir Robert Walpole was in its highest fury. Being a foldier, as well as an orator, the minifter took from him his commiflion of Cornet in a regiment of dragoons, for having fpoken his mind too freely in Parliament. As inacceffible to bribes as a Fabricius or a a Curius, fober, indefatigable, firm in his defigns, vigorous in executing them, nervous in his language, attentive to no other object but the glory of his nation, which he confiders as his own, he has arrived by honourable means to that degree of greatnefs, which is feldom attained without mean intrigues, and artifices at court.

⚫ He is not much given to finesse in his political negociations: with a heart full of zeal for the public good, and a mind firmly directed towards it, he attends only to effentials, and follows the concife and conclufive method of the Romans.

When called to the helm of ftate, he found the treaty with Pruffia already formed. His first public act was to fend back the

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Heffians and Hanoverians, and to raise in their room a national militia for the defence of the kingdom.

What will appear aftonishing to thofe unacquainted with the affairs of England, and what appeared even there very fingular is, that though the King's minifter, he acted in oppofition to the defigns and inclination of the King.

The Duke of Cumberland had paffed over from London into Germany, in the month of April, to the defence of Hanover, against a large army of French, that was marching towards it; but he had paffed over without a British army, which he was extremely defirous of as well as the King his father, who, as it is natural to fuppofe, held his electorate more at heart than any other part of his dominions. It was deliberated in the council, whether a large reinforcement of English troops fhould be fent over to the Duke, who preffed the meafure ftrongly, and pointed out the urgent neceflity of it? After a long debate in the council, many having spoken for and against it, Mr. Pitt's opinion weighed down the reft. He warmly maintained, "That England should not deprive herself of her national forces, in order to fupport foreign interells, in which he was not in the smallest degree concerned. That it would be abfurd and impolitic to fend them to diflinguish themselves upon the continent, and to gain glory for their country there; while he was left to languish under the preffure of internal wounds, and to endure evils which would bring her to the very brick of deftruction. That from this fource have flowed all our pat misfortunes. What effect have the victories of Marlborough produced, but an accumulation of the public debt? By having in the laft war entered more than was fitting into the affairs of the continent, we were obliged to cede Cape Breton, the only reward we could have confoled ourselves with for fuch a profusion of treasure, which would have bridled the French power in America, and which has fince enabled them, as often as they thought proper, to over-run that continent. That fubfidifing foreign Princes must in the end exhauft the riches of the nation: befides, that the inutility of these subfidies was evident from the recent inftances of Bavaria and Saxony, which the fubfidies had retained in oar interest in time of peace; but on the breaking out of war, when their affiftance was the most required, could not prevent them from joining our enemies. That England fhould not embroil herfelf in the affairs of the continent but on the greatest emergency; as in the Roman armies the Triarii did not enter into action till every other refource had failed. That she was like an amphibious animal, which might live upon land, yet whofe proper element is the water. That the real ftrength of a state lies in that from which it derives its fubfiftence. That England fubfifts by her trade, and by the naval armaments which protect her trade. That America, on whofe account the had entered into the war with France, was her feminary of feamen, the promised land, the Eden of England. Thence the fupplies the neighbouring nations with fish, with tobacco, with rice, with indigo: thence he may draw all her naval stores. That the command of the fea would give her the dominion of the land in fine, that the councils of England fhould refemble thofe of Athens, when under the direction of Themiftocles."

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