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not honestly and openly, but dishonestly and casuistically, supplying Russia, Austria, and other countries with it, not merely in foreign, but in British ships. By the present measure we were about to apply a wholesome stimulus to the production of free-grown sugar; and he was happy to say that there was a disposition, both in Cuba against the slave-trade, and in the Brazils in favour of a system of free labour in the cultivation of sugar. After expressing a desire to promote the access of free labourers to the West Indian Colonies, the noble marquis concluded by suggesting to Lord Stanley to withdraw his motion, and, as more respectful to the House of Commons, to make it upon the second reading of the Bill.

Lord Ashburton opposed the Bill. He argued that the system of reciprocal protection was the true. Colonial system. If it was done away with, the Colonies would cease to be of value to this country. Was every body, then, to be allowed to carry their manufactures to Jamaica and Canada on the same terms as we received them ourselves? If that were the case, the gentlemen in Manchester who expected such great benefits from free trade would discover that, in their own favourite article of cotton, the monopoly they conceived no one could take from them, they would be defeated in some of these Colonies. It had been stated by some of those gentlemen in the Committee on Land Burdens, that the Americans met them successfully in the Brazilian and Chinese markets with coarse cottons; and why should they not equally beat them in our own Colonies? The unfortunate West

Indian had been worse treated than any other.

Lord Monteagle followed in support of the measure. The whole history of our legislation on this subject during the last twenty years had been nothing but a succession of changes; so it was absurd to say that the House was pledged to anything. In reference to Lord Stanley's taunt about the small reduction that the proposed measure would effect in the price of sugar, he remarked that the whole trade of a country might turn on the five-eighths of a penny. This had occurred in the case of cotton. The West Indian interest had received full warning that the Sugar Question must be settled. He considered that this was a most legitimate mode of recruiting the resources of the country; that it was commercially a good measure, and morally not a bad

one.

Lord Brougham said, that after having recently addressed their lordships on this subject he had now little to add. He still thought that this was a most unprecedented way of dealing with so large a measure, and that it was a most unprecedented time to deal with it. The more he was of opinion that this question ought to be permanently settled, the more he felt that this Bill ought to have been brought forward at an earlier period of the Session. He then proceeded to urge the injustice of passing this Bill without affording the West Indians an opportunity of being heard against it; how did their lordships know, if they were heard, that the Colonists could not make out a satisfactory case against this measure? The West Indians could not have been prepared for such extraordinary

changes of opinion as had been lately exhibited upon this question. His lordship then passed some lively strictures upon Sir J. W. Hogg, who had seconded Lord Sandon's motion, in 1841, and then addressed himself to what he contended was the whole argument in favour of this measure, which resolved itself into this-that sugar would be reduced in price thereby, and brought within the capacity of the bulk of the people of this country by a large increase of the supply. As a plain man, he would ask how this reduction in price by the augmentation of the supply could happen, unless a large quantity, some 30,000 hogsheads of sugar, slave-grown and freegrown, were immediately, or within a year or two, brought into the market of England. How was this increase of supply to be got? By one way only the admission of foreign sugar. But this Bill went to open the market to slavegrown sugar, and there was no limit to the supply, which could be increased ad libitum by the African slave-trade; and he warned those noble lords who held up their hands for suddenly supplying the British market with 30,000 tons of sugar, that, though they might not intend it, they held them up, not for slavery only, but for encouraging, stimulating, extending, and exacerbating the curse of the African slave-trade. The argument that sugar should not be excluded from our market if other slave-grown products were not excluded, admitted of various answers. Sugar stood upon different grounds from coffee, cotton, and tobacco; but they were now dealing with sugar and sugar only. The noble and learned lord drew a powerful picture of the sufferings

of the slave and the horrors of the slave-trade, and he cited a recent declaration of Dr. Lushington, that this Bill would render nugatory our treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade. After showing that free labour, though it could successfully contend with slave labour upon fair and equal terms, was unable to compete with it, unless the market of Africa was closed, he said that he little thought, after the victories which had been achieved, he should, in 1846, have to rise in his place to denounce the slave-trade, and complain that a liberal Government should for the first time have introduced a Bill for the purpose of actively encouraging and extending the African slave-trade.

Earl Grey answered Lord Brougham. He appealed to their lordships, whether the noble lord had done any thing to answer the arguments urged in support of the Bill. He went on to enforce the financial reasons in favour of the measure, and commented strongly on the inconsistency of proscribing one particular kind of slave-produce. All sound rules of conduct, he contended, must be of universal application, and if the opponents of this Bill pleaded national morality, they should be prepared to act upon that rule universally, and exclude coffee, cotton, and, in fact, all foreign slave-labour produce. It was the rankest delusion that had ever been attempted to be palmed upon the country. Adverting to the remarks of Lord Brougham upon the encouragement which this Bill was supposed to give to the slave-trade-though he believed it was calculated to check it-the noble earl complained that Lord Brougham, who now glorified himself for the services he had

rendered in the suppression of the slave-trade, had slumbered when those services would have been of most importance, and reminded him that, when he held a high post in the late King's Government, he had left the Colonial Secretary to struggle unassisted with the difficulties connected with that question. He (Lord Grey) believed that the West Indians would be stimulated by this measure to exertions which would enable them successfully to compete with slave cultivation, which he was still convinced could not keep up a race with free labour. In reply to the question of Lord Stanley, as to the restrictions to be taken off immigration, the noble earl said, that as the allowing of indiscriminate immigration of negroes from Africa would be liable to abuse, it was not intended to sanction that. If any safe mode could be pointed out, it would be desirable that the Kroomen should be encouraged to migrate to our colonies during the cane harvest, and return to their native country. All that was proposed was to allow voluntary emigration from our own settlements in Africa and India. The noble earl concluded by expressing his belief that this Bill would eventually lead to the extinction, not only of slavery, but of the slave-trade.

After some further discussion of a conversational kind, Lord Stanley withdrew his motion, and the Bill was read a first time. On the motion being made that it be read a second time on the following Thursday, Lord Stanley moved as an amendment, to postpone it to that day six months, but it was negatived without a division.

The second reading, accordingly, being proposed on the day appointed, the Bishop of Oxford

moved that it be read a second time that day three months. His speech was almost entirely addressed to the anti-slavery view of the question. He began with a modest disclaimer: he should not have ventured to oppose the Government on a matter of finance or revenue; but this was a question deeply affecting the moral character of the country, its name for justice and humanity. The Bill went upon the ground that a greater supply of sugar was needed; there must be a greater importation of sugar not West Indian. Sir J. Hogg had shown that it could not come from the East Indies, therefore it must come from Cuba and the Brazils; they must export more; to do that they must make more; but being semi-barbarous countries, they do not augment their produce by machinery; they do it by the rude labour of human muscles-by slaves; they must, therefore, have more slaves; the slave-trade will be directly encouraged, involving its awful waste of life, which is as three to one of slaves actually imported, to say nothing of the wars, slave-hunts, and other miseries of internal Africa. He treated the argument about cotton, and other slave-produce, which we admit, as untenable, asking if we should authorize murder because we cannot prevent housebreaking. As to copper, he would join in excluding it. But, most emphatically, he denied the assertion that efforts to suppress the slave-trade had failed: we were on the very verge of extinguishing it by sealing up the coast of Africa; and who could say what the increase would have been but for our intervention? Contracts for limiting trade to legitimate objects have been made by African chiefs: Portugal and

France were co-operating with us; even in Cuba and the Brazils a feeling had arisen that exclusion from our market on account of the slavetrade was injurious to the slaveowning countries. He expressed his deep regret to find that, just as the goal was in view, a measure should be proposed, the inevitable effect of which would be to reopen the slave-trade in all its horrors.

The Bishop of London seconded the amendment. The result of his consideration of the arguments

which had been addressed to their lordships on the first reading of the Bill was, that if this measure passed, it would sanction the slavetrade, the abolition of which was one of the brightest features in the history of this country. His right reverend friend had shown, that if we were to have a large increase of the quantity of sugar, it must be by a large increase in the number of slaves imported into Brazil and Cuba. The number was now 150,000 per annum, and if we were to have 30,000 tons more of sugar, that could only be supplied by 30,000 additional slaves and the number of slaves imported into sugar-growing countries was no measure of the evils inflicted, inasmuch as for every additional slave two would die in the middle passage, or in the seasoning. From 60,000 to 80,000 human beings would, therefore, be hurried into eternity, after suffering cruel torments. Feeling that the real prosperity, the honour, and the welfare of this country were involved in this measure, he could not acquiesce in it, believing in his heart that it would

fix a stain on this country which no future legislation would remove.

The Marquis of Lansdowne complimented the Bishop of Oxford upon the eloquence he had displayed, observing, that upon this question the right reverend prelate had peculiar claims to the attention of their lordships. After replying briefly to some of the remarks of the bishop, the noble marquis observed, that it was the opinion of those conversant with the subject, that by freedom of trade, and a liberal and generous policy as far as commerce was concerned, bringing with it an increase of moral and religious feelings, an impulse would be given to free labour. He could not but consider the scarcity of petitions against the Bill a most decisive proof that, in the opinion of the country, this measure was not retrogressive; otherwise, instead of half-a-dozen petitions presented against it in the last few weeks, the table would have been covered with them. He hailed this as a proof that the country did not participate in the fears of the two right reverend prelates, and that the people believed that not only would the interests of commerce be extended by this measure, but that, ultimately, in connection with it, the moral feelings of mankind would lead to a final euthanasia of slavery.

Their lordships then divided, when the numbers were

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CHAPTER VII.

Miscellaneous Measures-The Government propose to renew the Irish Arms Bill-Dissatisfaction excited by this announcement-Explanation of the Secretary for Ireland-Debate on the Second ReadingRemarks of Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Hume, Mr. B. Escott, Mr. B. Osborne, Mr. T. Duncombe, and other Members-Lord Morpeth and Lord John Russell intimate a willingness to make concessions-The Second Reading is carried by a majority of 33-On a subsequent evening Lord John Russell announces the determination of the Government to abandon the Measure-Distress in Ireland occasioned by the recurring failure of the Potato Crop-Lord John Russell proposes a measure for the employment of the population in Public Works-Explanation of the Ministerial scheme in detail-Remarks of Mr. D. Browne, Mr. Williams, Mr. Labouchere, the Earl of Lincoln, and other Members-The Public Works Bill passes the Commons, and is introduced in the House of Lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne— Speeches of Lord Monteagle, the Earl of Wicklow, and other Peers— Declaration of Lord Lansdowne respecting out-door relief-Further discussions in Parliament respecting the impending scarcity in Ireland -Speeches of the Earls of Roden and Clarendon, and of Mr. Dillon Browne and Mr. Labouchere-Flogging in the Army and Military Reform-Tendency of public opinion on this subject-Captain Layard moves an Address to the Crown praying for an Inquiry, with a view to limiting the period of enlistment-His Speech on moving the Address -Speeches of Mr. Fox Maule and other Members-The Motion is postponed An order is issued from the Commander-in-Chief limiting the Sentences of Courts Martial to fifty lashes-Lord John Russell makes a statement upon the subject-Dr. Bowring moves a Resolution in favour of the total abolition of flogging--Speeches of Captain Layard, Mr. B. Osborne, Colonel Peel, Colonel Reid, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Fox Maule, and other Members-Dr. Bowring's Motion is rejected by a large majority-Statement of the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords on the subject of the recent order-Occupation of Cracow by the Austrian Government-Lord Beaumont moves for papers relating thereto-Speeches of the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Kinnaird, and the Duke of Wellington-Mr. Hume makes a similar Motion in the House of Commons-Speeches of Mr. Milnes and of Lord Palmerston-Sees of St. Asaph and Bangor-Earl Powis brings in a Bill to rescind the proposed union-Debate on the Second ReadingVOL. LXXXVIII.

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