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country-if we were to say, that before we would admit cotton-wool we would force the United States to a solution of that tremendous problem that hangs over themthat tremendous problem, whether they shall keep their black population in a state of slavery, or whether, applying the great articles of their Declaration of Rights, they shall not at once give them the supreme power in many states -the power they would be entitled to, of electing the majority of representatives-to say, that he would insist on the emancipation of all their slaves, or that we would not take their cotton-wool, would be nothing less than insanity. Returning again to the case of sugar, Lord John Russell showed that the exclusion of slave-grown sugar, under the present prohibitory system, was impracticable, from the treaties which existed with slave states, under which they demanded the admission of their slave-grown sugar on the same terms as "the most favoured nation." He next showed, that although slave-grown sugar was prohibited in the case of countries which could not claim exemption, still no good to the cause of humanity resulted, because markets were found in other countries, where the merchant received supplies in return, which he disposed of in the English market; the Spanish producers of Cuba being paid with those English manufactures, which might as well have been sent to them direct without this intervening transaction.

Lord John Russell proceeded from general considerations to the details of his plan. According to the principles and propositions acted upon by the late Government and sanctioned by Parliament-remov

ing restrictions, and allowing the people to buy in the cheapest markets-the sugar of foreign countries must be admitted for home consumption without reference to the manner of production. He admitted the validity of the reasons urged by the West India body against the equalization of the duties between colonial and foreign sugar being immediate : the equalization therefore should be effected gradually. Considerations connected with the revenue spoke in favour of the same policy. 'I therefore propose, that in the present year, instead of a prohibitory duty of 63s. and a protecting duty of 23s. 4d. there should be, upon all foreign Muscovado sugar, a duty of 21s. per hundredweight; to be diminished in the following manner-

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And that, from July 1851, the smaller duty of 14s. should apply to all Muscovado sugar. This diminution extends over five years. I say nothing here of the propriety or the advantage that might be derived from a still further reduction of the 14s. duty per hundredweight. I do not think, consider. ing this as an operation that is to be carried over five years, that in the present state of the revenue, and in the present state of the Session, it would be right in us to make any more considerable diminution.

With regard to the distinction made last year of clayed sugars, it had proved to a great extent inoperative; but it seemed practicable in the case of "White"

Havannah sugars, and his present intention was to retain the distinction as regarded these sugars. There would also be a similar reduction from year to year upon refined sugar, double-refined sugar, and molasses; the particulars of which would appear in the schedule.

In connection with the prospective withdrawal of protection from the West India producers, Government had taken into consideration various suggestions which had been made for their relief; and Lord John Russell stated the results. With the view of facilitating the introduction of free labourers into the West Indies, Government, in addition to the facilities which already existed, would allow the planters to make agreements with labourers in Sierra Leone, or in any other British settlement in Africa, to proceed to their estates; the agreement to be limited to one year from their arrival. But, with regard to another proposal that was made, namely, that this should be the case elsewhere-with regard to emigrants proceeding from the coast of Africa, where we have not possessions, where the British flag does not fly, and especially the Kroo coast-we must say, we do not think it is safe to allow such contracts, or to say that these should be protected from the British cruisers, unless there is some British authority under which the bargain is made.

The West India body complained that rum was not admitted into this country on equal terms with home-made spirits. The question had been referred to the Excise; and the conclusion he had arrived at, from the information supplied to him, was, that while there is a difference of 1s. 6d. (7s. 10d. to 9s. 4d.) a gallon in the

excise duties of this country and upon rum, yet that difference was not to be placed to the account altogether of differential duty. The statement was, that while in the process of distillation the exciseduty was at once levied on British spirits which are afterwards subject to leakage and other losses, rum arriving in this country arrived in a state in which it has undergone all those losses, and therefore there was not a similar quantity subject to the duty. With the view, however, of placing Colonial and British spirits on terms of greater equality, Government proposed to reduce the differential duty of 1s. 6d. to 1s. There was another question with regard to which there was far more difficulty, and upon which he did not feel himself authorized in any way to offer satisfaction to the West India body. They complained of the difference which existed as regards the duties in Scotland and Ireland, while the same duty was still levied upon rum. Any alteration in that respect would, in his opinion, be attended with great difficulty: and, though ready to attend to anything that might be urged on that subject, he certainly did not feel that we ought, in the present year, to make any change whatever.

On the part of the West India interest it was also proposed to admit molasses into breweries and distilleries. At first sight the proposal appeared to be fair. It was only asking that those who wished to consume this article in the breweries and distilleries should have the power to do so, and that the colonial sugar should be admitted as well as the barley of foreign countries to our breweries and distilleries. But in the application of the principle to practice

there were various and very considerable difficulties. There was a great difficulty with respect to the exact amount of duty which ought to be imposed upon these sugars, and great difficulty in the practical levying of the duty with the Excise; and, as far as he was informed, he felt unable to comply with that request.

Then, as to the differential duties which existed in the West India islands in favour of British manufactures, the Government considered that their abolition was only an act of justice, and indeed a necessary consequence of the withdrawal of protection from their produce. Government, therefore, proposed to introduce a Bill giving the Queen power to assent to any Act passed by the Colonial Legislatures by which the five or seven per cent. difference in favour of this country should be taken away, in order that the colonists should be enabled, while we made no difference in favour of their produce, to make no difference in favour of

ours.

The subject of the revenue could not be excluded from consideration. Mr. Goulburn, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, had made a statement, which no doubt he was perfectly justified in making, of the prospects of the present year but it was impossible not to perceive that with regard to a future year, as to which he certainly was not bound to make any estimate, he opened a prospect of a far less consolatory description. Lord John Russell proceeded to show, that after deducting 700,000l. of China money from the estimated income for 1846-7, and allowing for certain items of expenditure which Mr. Goulburn was not bound to take into account

when making his statement, the deficiency for 1847-8 would be 352,000., with the chance of its being increased to half a million.

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Now, Sir, when there is this prospect before us, made out from the papers quoted by the right honourable gentleman himself, it does seem to be expedient, if you can do so, to endeavour to obtain an increase to the income of the country, at the same time that you do not augment the burdens of the people. The plan which I have proposed, I apprehend, will accomplish this object. Taking 240,000 tons of sugar as the produce of the West Indies, the Mauritius, and the East Indies, at 141. per ton, this would give us 3,360,000l. I have stated that we might expect 20,000 tons of free-labour sugar would arrive in the course of this year. With regard, to other sugars, we may expect there will be no very great supply in the present year, owing to the obstacles which are inter-. posed by the navigation-laws. A great part of the supply of foreign sugar, which is at present warehoused in this city, has been brought here by American ships: it has been brought here for the purpose of being sent forward to foreign ports; and therefore, under our navigation-laws, it is inadmissible, even supposing it was otherwise, by law, admissible. Now I should think it very presumptuous in us if we were, merely for this emergency, to propose to alter the navigation-laws. Any question involving the navigation-laws ought to be deeply and seriously considered, and ought to be proposed with a view not to any temporary but to some permanent change, if change were thought desirable. The consequence, there

fore, is, that only a small portion of the foreign sugar now in bond would be admissible under the proposed change of duty. Having taken some pains to inquire, I find that some 6,000 or 8,000, or at the most 10,000 tons, would be at present admissible under this change in the law. I think we may take the whole that would be admitted of foreign sugar to be 20,000 tons; 10,000 more, now in warehouse, and 10,000 more to come in, would make up 40,000 tons; which, at 217. per ton, would give 840,0001. Stated as a question of the revenue, we should derive by this plan 4,200,000l. The revenue to be derived from the plan of the right honourable gentleman was 3,574,4717. We should, therefore, have an increase in the revenue, under this proposed plan, even in the present year, of 625,5291. That amount of revenue would at once turn the account in our favour; and in the course of next year we should have a surplus of revenue expenditure; and, besides, we should have the great advantage of giving to the people of this country an increased supply of sugar at a reduced price.

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If the resolutions he should propose were adopted, he would found upon them a Bill which would make the sugar-duties permanent, instead of annual at present; but, with the view of keeping up the constitutional practice of leaving a considerable amount of the revenue dependent on the yearly votes of the House, he should be prepared to name some other source of revenue, before the new Sugar Duties were passed into a law, to be subjected to annual renewal.

Lord John Russell concluded by expressing his belief, that the measure, so far from injuring the colonists, would largely and permanently benefit them; and he then laid on the table the resolutions of which he had given notice.

Mr. Goulburn observed, that on a matter of such extreme importance he should forbear from entering upon any discussion till he had an opportunity of examining the resolutions and making himself acquainted with their probable operation.

Lord George Bentinck spoke for himself and those who acted with him.

Only two parts of the plan would be agreeable to them that for rendering the Sugar Duties permanent; and that for facilitating the introduction of labourers into the West Indies. With regard to the new duties, he could not promise the support of his friends. True to their principles, they would not be disposed to consent to the admission of slavegrown sugar; nor were they disposed to remove from the West India and the East India interests the protection which they enjoyed. Although deprived by unjust means of their own protection, it would be no consolation to the agricultural interest of England to be avenged upon the East and West Indian interests by depriving them of protection also. He thought that Lord John Russell had under-estimated the supply of sugar likely to be yielded by the West and East Indies and the Mauritius: Lord George had made very minute inquiries on the subject, and he thought himself justified in saying that any defalcation in the West Indies would be made up by the increased production in the

East Indies the probability was, that 100,000 tons would be imported from Bengal alone, and 15,000 tons from Madras. When "his noble friend Lord John Russell" brought forward his resolutions for a permanent settlement of the Sugar question, he would propose an amendment.

it was not his intention so to treat them upon the present occasion. After repudiating the notion, which very erroneously prevailed out of doors, that he and his friends were only fighting a sham battle against the Government resolutions, he said, that the question involved in those resolutions naturally divided A desultory conversation fol- itself into three heads, and that lowed, in which, doubts, suggesas such he should treat it. The tions, and expressions of approval first head was that which conwere variously elicited. Among cerned the interest of the British other members Mr. Hume ex- sugar-planters in the West Indies, pressed his entire approbation of the East Indies, and the Mauritius, the scheme. But he impressed on and which also concerned the Lord John Russell the importance supply of sugar to Great Britain; of putting an end to the differ- the second was the question of ential duty on rum, and making revenue, as touched on by Lord J. the duty the same in Scotland and Russell in introducing his resoluIreland as in England. The Chan- tions; and the third would relate cellor of the Exchequer said that to the interests of the African the equalization of duties spoken race. On the first head Lord J. of by Mr. Hume was not so easy Russell founded his resolutions on as he appeared to imagine. There the policy, and also on the diffiwas not the least doubt that it culty, of supplying the people of was an anomaly to have different this country with cheap sugar; rates of excise duties in different and though his lordship had not parts of the kingdom, but that said that there would be a famine distinction had been adopted to in sugar during the next year, he prevent illicit distillation, and it had said that there would be a answered that purpose. After a considerable deficiency in the few words from Mr. Wakley, Mr. average supply. Now, so far from Ricardo, and Lord Sandon, the there being a probability of a want discussion was adjourned. of sugar, Lord G. Bentinck positively asserted, that if the Government would only give confidence to the British planter, and security to the investment of capital in the sugar plantations in the West Indies, in the Mauritius, and, above all, in the East Indies, there would be an ample supply of sugar for the consumption of this country. Though, before the emancipation of the slaves, the West Indies had supplied 190,000 and 200,000 tons annually, the produce had subsequently fallen off so much, that the average crop was not more than

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On the 27th July it was sumed, when, upon Lord John Russell moving that the House resolve itself into a Committee of Ways and Means,

Lord G. Bentinck moved the amendment of which he had given notice, and, disclaiming all hostility to Her Majesty's Ministers, observed that, although on former occasions the question of slavery and of the policy of reducing the Sugar Duties had been mixed up with the question of confidence or no confidence in the Government,

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