"2. The said barbarians begged that Hong-kong might be conferred on them as a place of residence. They also requested to be allowed to trade at Kwangchow, Funchow, Heamun (Moy), Ningpo, and Shanghae. The Shewei Hanling and his colleagues, as the barbarians had already built houses on Hongkong, and yet could beg for fayour, granted that they might dwell there. With reference to Kwangchow and the other four places, they must be considered too many. As to the regulations of the trade, as well as the duties, they should early be consulted and decided upon.

"When clear and explicit questions were asked, it is authenticated that the said barbarians answered, We consider Hong-kong as our dwelling-place, and we must have Kwangchow and the others, in all five places, as ports of trade; but if it cannot be allowed, then neither Moy, Ningpo, Hinhae, Tinghae, Topoo, Paoyshan, nor Hekeang, will be delivered up, neither will our forces retire. As we want to trade at all these places, it is absolutely necessary that resident Consuls should be appointed to superintend affairs, to restrain the barbariaus and prevent disturbances. The duties shall be paid according to the regulations of China; and when the duties are settled, there shall be no delay in the payment.

"Further, when we traded at Canton, the whole trade was in the hands of the Mandarin Hong merchants, and we were exposed to their extortions, and the injuries we suffered were not small. Hereafter, we desire to choose our own merchants, that trade may be conducted equitably; and the entire duties are to be paid through the

Consuls to the Hoppo, and not to pass through the hands of the Hong merchants, in order that their extortions may be prevented;' and so forth.

"The said Shewei again represented, that from the five places, Kwangchow, &c. some should be deducted; but the said barbarian obstinately refused. I, your servant, have, examined and found, that with reference to the said foreigners dwelling on Hongkong, and going to trade in the provinces of Fokien and Hekcang, the imperial will has already been received, with permission as to what they have requested about trading at the five places named, although the comparison is great, but, as they have taken and kept possession of Amoy and other places, which are not yet given up; and as they still hold Hong-kong, Golongsoo, and have not retired, it will be a difficult matter to get them back.

"If we again prepare our armies to maintain those places, it is a difficult matter to engage with them on the waters. Though near to each other, we have been idle (there has not been any fighting) for many days; and as to those places which they have taken and keep possession of, will it not be allowed them to return to us our territory, and allow them to trade, since they are willing respectfully to pay the duties? Just now they are sensible, and repent of their errors, and are as obedient as if driven by the wind; and when again united in mutual friendship, benevolence, and truth, all things will go on well. And since they will guard their own market and surround and protect the seaboundaries, there will not be any necessity for recourse for our inter

ference, which will be to the advantage of our country.

"We request the Imperial will may be sent down to the governor and lieutenant-governors of each of the three provinces, to examine clearly into the duties and trading regulations of the Comptroller of Maritime Customs in the provinces of Canton; and consult about the management of affairs, and fix them on a secure basis.

"3. That which the said barbarians have requested with reference to the officers of China-to have ceremonial intercourse upon an equality, and the barbarians who have been made captives, and the Chinese traitors who have been se

duced (into the service, &c. of the English), the release of all these they most earnestly solicit.

"I, your servant, have examined, and found, that with reference to equal official intercourse, it may be unreservedly granted; and as the affairs with the foreigners are finished (the war ended), the prisoners may also be released; by which harmony and good understanding will be strengthened, for a state of peace will bring repose and gladness, and overthrow factious parties. These matters may be allowed to proceed; and I have left them to the Shewei, without discussing them."

1819, every hostile word contemporary with an émeute, a complot, or an allental, will be sufficient to constitute complicity in such acts, and to bring upon the writer penalties such as détention, transportation, hard labour, and even death. The feeling of the times in which we live, rises up in horror at the bare thought.

"The jurisprudence which flows from the decree of the Court of Peers, aggravates the already flagrant inconveniences of this jurisdiction. It is moreover, a motive for demanding that the competence of the Peerage may be defined and limited in criminal matters and in political offences; but until this shall have been done, it is another danger created for the press and the country. Public writers are deprived of those guarantees, which are a natural right in every civilised community, and which the Revolution of July had promised, and the Charter had consecrated. The entire press is placed in a permanent state of prevention. The accusation of moral complicity is suspended over the heads of all writers. It is the law of suspicion that is established against them."

The subscribers determine to oppose every legal resistance to this new system of intimidation

"We declare then

"With the Charter, that the 'French have the right to publish and to print their opinions, conforming themselves to the laws.'

"With the Article 69 of the same Charter, that 'the judging of offences of the press belongs exclusively to the jury.'

"With the Constitution of 1791, that no man can be pursued by reason of the writings which he has published, unless he has de

signedly provoked disobedience to the laws.

"With the Article 202 of the Penal Code, that provocation, to be made a crime or an offence, must be direct,' and not the result of a connexion more or less arbitrary, between a fact and the writings which have preceded or accompanied this fact.

"With the Article 60 of the Penal Code, that there cannot exist complicity where there is no knowledge of a plot.

"With MM. Royer Collard, Odillon Barot, Lamartine, Berryer, Dufaure, and Dupin, that it is not wise to give judicial attributes to a political body; and that in making the Chamber of Peers la Cour Prévotale of the press, its sincerity has been compromised, as well as the force of our opinions.

"With citizens of all opinions, that the degree of liberty at which a nation has arrived, may be judged of by the degree of liberty which its press enjoys; and that in this respect France, since 1830, has positively retrograded.

"In fine, that this is a point upon which all can agree-writers, electors, deputies, and citizens of every class. It is a duty to refuse concurrence to the policy of any Administration which will not repair the attempts made against public rights by the laws of September, as well as by the last decree of the Court of Peers.

"In this situation, we appeal to the Chamber of Deputies-we hope that it will rise to the duty which circumstances impose upon it. And if, contrary to all expectation, it fails to do its duty, we shall appeal to the electoral body, which is invested with political rights; well convinced that

it will not forget the 66th Article of the same Charter, which has confided the rights of the press, as well as all other rights conse. crated by the Charter, to the patriotism and courage of the National Guards, and of all French citizens."

The King opened the French Chambers on the 27th of December, with the usual ceremonies. He read from the Throne the following Speech :

"Gentlemen, Peers, and Deputies,

"Since the close of your last Session, the questions which excited in the East our just solicitude, have reached their term. I have concluded with the Emperor of Austria, the Queen of Great Britain, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, and the Sultan, a convention which consecrates the common intention of the Powers to maintain the peace of Europe, and consolidate the repose of the Ottoman empire.

"The great burdens imposed upon the country, have already experienced considerable reductions. It would have been my lively wish, that a balance should have been immediately re-established between the expenditure and revenues of the State. This is the result which we must now prepare, and which you will achieve without weakening our military organization, and without deferring the execution of those works which are to increase the national prosperity.

"A project of law will be presented to you, for constructing the principal lines of a great system of railroads, calculated to ensure those rapid and easy communications with all parts of our territory,

which will prove a source of force and riches to the nation.

"I am endeavouring at the same time, by negotiations, prudently conducted, to extend our commercial relations, and to open new markets for the productions of our soil and of our arts. Such labours honour peace, and render it stable and fruitful at the same time. I have reason to reckon that it will not be disturbed, receiving from all the Powers the most amicable assurance.

"I have taken measures to prevent any external complication from disturbing the security of our African possessions. Our brave soldiers are pursuing on that land, henceforth and for ever French, the course of their noble labours, in which I am happy that my sons have had the honour of concurring. Our perseverance shall complete the work undertaken by our courageous army; and France will introduce into Algeria her civilization, as the consequence of her glory.

"The financial laws and others, having for their object to introduce useful improvements in the public administration, will be presented to you immediately.

"Whatever may be the burdens of our situation, France would support them without difficulty, if faction did not unceasingly obstruct the course of her powerful activity. I will not dwell upon the intrigues and crimes of the factious; but let us not forget, Gentlemen, that it is that which debars our country from fully enjoying all the blessings which Providence has conferred upon it, and which retards the development of that legal and pacific liberty, which France has at last achieved, and of which I make