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now, by a letter written yesterday or the day before by the noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, it appears that no such extensive scheme of emigration is entertained. The noble Lord seems now to contradict this suggestion. If such a scheme is to be brought forward, I hope that the noble Lord will see that it is calculated to remedy the existing disorder of the finances, before he proposes a wholesale scheme of emigration but until I hear the notice given, though it has been thrown out as a remedy proposed to be applied, I shall disbelieve there is any intention to bring forward a scheme which may lead us into fresh difficulties, and give rise to a new and extravagant expenditure. Another class of persons have predicted, that, as a great portion of the party who have now come into power are opposed to the Poor-law, and that as the Poor-law is tyrannical and oppressive, the Conservative Government (as it is called) will not be long before they propose a law, if not for the total repeal, for the abolition of the office of Commissioners, and every thing that is odious in the existing law. We have had a practical denial of that by the appointment of a third gentleman to act as Commissionerfully qualified to hold that officewhose nomination to the performance of its duties does honour to Her Majesty's Government, and to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. I rejoice not less in the statement made in the Speech from the Throne, than in the omissions which I observe in it, that none of those measures, some of which I should think most dangerous, almost all of which I should think most futile, are to be resorted to. But I am glad to find that the

principles to be acted upon by the present Government are no other than those wholesome ones proposed and advocated by theoretical writers for some time, supported by the best of statesmen in this country, and which the late Government on their retirement from office left as a legacy to the country, and which I hope to see eventually carried out,--principles which before long I trust I shall see established on the Statute-book of this country."

Into the subject of the Cornlaws he would not now enter in detail; but he must press the principle of the fixed duty; and he begged Sir Robert Peel to consider the evil consequence of making an arrangement which would presently be disturbed by fresh discontent and agitation. Some disapprobation mingling with the cheers that followed this remark, Lord John Russell observed, "I heard a murmur, as if honourable Gentlemen opposite seemed to think, that the passing of an Act of Parliament was quite sufficient to put an end to all discussion and discontent on the subject. But I beg them to believe, that that will not be the case; that great as the authority of Parliament may beand I wish its authority to be greatstill it will not supersede and override the conclusions which sensible and reflecting men draw from their own observation of the working of any particular law.”

He was not prepared to promise his assent to fresh taxation; his own opinion was, that it would be more proper to try a modification of our commercial system, and await its effects upon the Exchequer. There was nothing, however, to prevent an unanimous vote on the Address.

Sir Robert Peel was gratified, but not surprised to hear Lord John Russell recommend an unanimous concurrence in the Address. His colleagues and himself had long held the opinion that there was great inconvenience in forcing the House of Commons, on the first day of its assembling, when it was without the means of ascertaining the sentiments contained in the Address, to pledge itself to positive measures; and therefore, they had purposely framed the Address in a manner which would not necessarily provoke a collision of opinion. He ought not to refer, however incidentally, to the part of the Address which Lord John Russell had passed over lightly, of the foreign relations, without bearing testimony to the cordial cooperation which Russia had given to the arrangements with Persia. Lord John Russell seemed to doubt the policy of the special mission to the United States

"I think the noble Lord should bear in mind, that some of the causes of difference between this country and the United States have long existed; that the attempts on the part of various governments by means of correspondence to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion have failed, and that the continuance of the cause of discord leads to fresh and increasing difficulties. Hence it has appeared to Her Majesty's Government, without implying the slightest reflection upon the very able Minister who represents this country in the United States, Mr. Fox, desirable to send out directly to that country a person who has held high stations in the Council of this nation, and who, fully possessed of the views and intentions of Her Majesty's Government, should attempt

some other mode than that which has hitherto been resorted to, and which has not been successful, for effecting that which would be a great object for the interests of humanity and the civilization of the world, namely, the restoration of perfectly friendly and cordial relations with the United States, or, I should rather say, for the determination of existing differences. Certainly, my noble Friend, in undertaking at his advanced period of life such a task, has been actuated only by a sense of public duty. The sacrifices he has been called upon to make are great: but my noble Friend has yielded to the conviction we felt, that, considering the relation in which he stood--the estimation in which his respected name was held in that country-there could not be a more welcome messenger of the views of Her Majesty's Government than Lord Ashburton."

Lord John Russell had adverted to several supposed remedies for the distress, to be propounded by the Ministers: "The noble Lord has heard of a plan of general emigration; but that appeared without any authority on the part of the Government; and I think the noble Lord's experience of the conduct of a Government might have led him to know, that because certain measures were imputed by the public papers to the Executive, it does not follow that they entertain any serious intention of carrying them out, or that there should be an authorised reply. The noble Lord has also referred to certain dramatic reports of interviews which Ministers have had with deputations from the northern manufacturing districts. I am surprised the noble Lord should have spoken with such disparage.

ment of the Socialist editor of the New Moral World. It is true the deputation were received; but still we did not encourage them to expect the high honour of presentation to Her Majesty. Would the noble Lord have thought it becoming in me to decline to receive them until I had first ascertained the private characters and the political opinions of those who composed the deputation? I saw the persons who called upon me, and who succeeded in deceiving me so far, that on entering the room I believed them to be a deputation as represented a belief which was strengthened by the perfect knowledge of the subject on which they came to speak; but I am no party to the publication of what took place. Surprised as I was to find that a lengthened and detailed report of what passed had been published, I am innocent of any intention to derive an advantage from the dramatic effects of which the noble Lord spoke; and until I saw that these persons were editors of a newspaper, I remained under the I remained under the pleasing delusion that I had been talking to workmen deputed by their brother workmen to give an account of their sufferings."

It had been his wish to bring on the financial and commercial policy of the country both together; but he was withheld by a consideration of the public in terest. He would, however, redeem the pledge he gave last Ses sion, that no unnecessary delay should take place in explaining the views of Government: "I do not ask for delay; I do not intend to postpone the announcement of the Budget, as it is called, to that period of the year at which it is usually brought forward. Indeed,

so far as concerns the convenience of Her Majesty's Government, we are prepared to state to the House now the measures with reference to the commerce and finance of the country which we mean to propose; and I should have wished to state the nature of those measures simultaneously with the views which we have arrived at on the subject of the Corn-laws: but I think that there would be disadvantage to the public interests in postponing the consideration of the Corn-laws, and that it would be better that Her Majesty's Government should propose to the House their views relative to those laws on Wednesday next; and on the earliest possible day following, disclose the whole of our financial and commercial policy in Committee of Ways and Means."

Mr. C. Villiers did not dissent from the liberal generalities which had been uttered; and he rejoiced that the landed proprietary shrunk from maintaining the Corn-law, now that its mischiefs were generally detected. He only wished that Sir Robert Peel would seriously consider a permanent settlement of the question. He would avail himself of the earliest opportunity to take the sense of the House upon the principle of taxation of food.

Mr. Escott hoped that Ministers would bring forward a measure which should settle the corn question, with a view to the interests of all. The agriculturists had sustained a great loss in the separation of the Duke of Buckingham from the Queen's counsels; but they were not opposed to all changes, though most anxious for a termination to their present state of anxiety and uncertainty.

The Address was then agreed to.

CHAPTER II.

Introductory Debate on the Corn-laws on 9th February-Extraordinary interest manifested in the House of Commons, and out of doors-Attempt of the Anti-Corn-law Delegates to take possession of the Lobby-They are prevented by the Police-Development of the Ministerial plan by Sir Robert Peel-He proposes a modification of the Sliding-scale-Short Remarks on the Plan by Lord John Russell-It is vehemently denounced by Mr. Cobden as an insult to the People-Debate resumed on the 14th-Lord John Russell moves at great length a Resolution condemnatory of a Graduated Scale Summary of his arguments-He is answered by Mr. W. E. Gladstone-The Debate continued by Adjournment during three nights -Principal Speakers on both sides-Debate unmarked by novelty or originality of views-Mr. Roebuck opposes the principle of Protection in toto-Speech of Sir Robert Peel, who is followed by Lord Palmerston-Lord John Russell's Amendment rejected on Division by 349 to 226.

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On the 9th of February, made an attempt station them

the day which Sir Robert Peel had announced for the development of the Ministerial plan for the alteration of the Cornlaws, extraordinary interest was evinced, both in and out of the House of Commons, to learn the issue of the long-concealed deliberations of the Government on

this subject. At an early hour all the avenues of the House were thronged by persons eager to obtain admission; and, as soon as the doors were opened, a violent rush ensued, and every seat in the Strangers'-gallery was in a few moments occupied. Shortly after four o'clock, a number of the Anti-Corn-law delegates marched in procession down Parliament-street to the House, and

selves in the lobby. Had this been permitted, the Members of the House would have experienced great difficulty in obtaining admission. To avoid this result, the police and officers on duty were compelled to oppose the entrance of the delegates, and for a time it was thought that a violent conflict would have taken place. The delegates, however, after some altercation, thought fit to retire from the field, and stationed themselves outside the House, where they saluted the different Members as they passed with cries of "No Sliding-scale," "Total Repeal," "Fixed Duty," &c. In the House of Commons the scene was particularly animated. By five o'clock the House was perfectly

crammed. Below the bar were seen a number of distinguished strangers, among whom the Duke of Cambridge, and numerous Members of the Upper House were conspicuous. Shortly afterwards, Sir Robert Peel rose and moved, "That this House resolve itself into a committee to consider the trade in Corn." He then requested that the Clerk of the House should read that portion of her Majesty's Speech which related to that subject. The speech which he then proceeded to address to the House, was listened to throughout with profound attention, marked, however, by manifestations of keener and more eager attention as often as the speaker was supposed about to develope the proposals of the Government. The extreme importance attached to the statements contained in this address under the circumstances which attended its delivery, warrants a larger allotment of space than can usually be afforded to individual speeches within the limits of this work, while its unusual length prevents its insertion entire. It is hoped that the extracts which follow will suffice to present a tolerably clear and complete, though abridged view of the statements and reasonings which it embraced.

He began by observing that it was difficult to discuss the subject without making statements or admissions which would be seized by opponents; but he trusted to the reason, the moderation, the judgment of Parliament. He would not, however, excite the hope that his measure would tend materially and immediately to mitigate the existing commercial distress, produced by a combination of circumstances. He had before seen de

pressions as great, and revivals of prosperity almost as sudden and extraordinary as those depressions; and to the operation of natural causes he confidently looked for such a revival. Sir Robert Peel briefly enumerated the causes to which he assigned the embarrassment, which had been in operation the last four or five years, viz.the stimulus given to great undertakings by the connexion between joint stock banks and our manufacturing establishments; the immigration of labourers from the agricultural, to the manufacturing, districts and consequent building speculations; the immense increase of mechanical power; the reaction of monetary difficulty produced by similar causes in the United States, and the diminished demand for our manufactures there; interruption of commerce with China; the war-alarm in Europe, and stagnation of commerce consequent upon it. He did not think an alteration of the Corn-laws could be any remedy for some of the evils inseparable from these causes. "Extend," he said, "your foreign commerce as you may, depend upon it that it is not a necessary consequence that the means of employment for manual labour will be proportionate to that extension." The handloom weavers were an instance of the disastrous effects upon particular classes of those sudden improvements in machinery which produced the general wealth of the country; a hard but inevitable condition. He referred to the exports to show the working of some of the causes which he named. He said, we were too apt, upon comparison of the last few years at any time, if we find a decline, to infer that the sources

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