could not help replying to his correspondent, That he has not convinced me that I was about to inflict ruin on the working classes of the north of Ireland, by enabling them to get for 10s. a barrel of herrings for which they must at present pay 20s.””

But why should not the inhabitants of the north of Scotland be able to compete with the Norwegians for the supply of Ireland?

"I say, reduce the duty on timber; enable the fisherman to build a better kind of boat, in order that he may go further to sea, and navigate in rougher weather, and then he will be well able to compete with foreign fishermen. He has as much industry, as great skill; and by exposing him to a certain amount of competition, you apply a stimulus to greater exertion than is now called for from him. Reduce the price of other raw materials he requires, and the effect will be still greater in the same direction."

In the same way, he showed the effect of the reduction on vegetables. After mature consideration, Government had come to the conclusion, that the duty on hops was extravagant; and it would be reduced from 81. 4s. to 4l. 10s. Taking then the whole Tariff, not an individual article like corn, it would be seen that the cost of sus tenance was greatly reduced. He quoted a letter from an attaché at the Court of Berlin, which explained that, with the municipal or octroi duties, the cost of living to the poor in the large Continental towns was very nearly as great as in this country. But high duties were, in fact, a mere de lusion; they did not protect the home manufacturer, for the smuggler robbed the fair trader of the

protection. In proof, he read a letter from a smuggler:→

"This is a letter, of course not addressed to me-(Laughter)-but I guarantee it to be a bona fide letter, addressed by a man of large means and capital, in regular intercourse with this great city as a smuggler. It is dated December, 1841. After offering his services on the goods from a certain port, he adds, I am also able to forward to you every week blondes and laces (I mean, articles manufactured at Lille, Arras, Caen, Chantilly, &c.) at a very low premium by the indirect channel. (Laughter.) The goods would be delivered in London the same week of the reception here, by a sure and discreet individual: my means are always free of losses and damages, or I would not use them. Here follow the prices at which I might at present undertake the passage:

Blondes, by pieces, accord-
ing to value
Blonde veils, according to
value
Laces (Lille ditto)
Silk gloves
Kid gloves

Per cent.

9

8 or 81

8 or 8

11 to 12

12 to 13

And generally all silk goods, as gros de Naples, satins, gros des Indes, gros de Paris, jewellery, &c., for which articles prices would be to be determined, but certainly a great deal under your Custom-house duties." Now, certainly, could there be a more lucid exposition that you are not confering a benefit on the domestic manufacturer of this country, by imposing duties on the foreign manufactures, which can be avoided? Is it not clear, that it would be more beneficial to the domestic manufacturer that he should know the extent of the competition to which he is subjected; that he

should be aware of it, and not be subjected to an illicit, unseen competition, against which he can take no precautions ?"

The case of the straw-plait makers had called for the serious attention of Government: they were mostly women and children living in country districts; and on representations made on their behalf, the duty had been increased in the amended Tariff from 5s. to 7s. 6d. in the pound: "But I wish to convince them of the delusiveness of that security they ask. At present the duty on the raw material in straw to be used in plaiting is not more than 1d. per pound; the duty on the manufactured article is the extravagant one of 17s. 6d. per pound. It is so light an article, that there are great facilities of introducing it. I give the House a practical proof of the manner of introducing it. Here is the straw introduced for manufacture, and this is subjected only to 1d. per pound on its introduction. [Sir Robert Peel here exhibited a small bundle of bleached and cut straw, about eight inches in length, and of the thickness of a man's wrist, neatly bound up, such as is seen in the straw bonnet shop-windows.] But in this straw, so intended to be introduced at such a very low rate of duty, is enclosed the article which is charged on its admission with a duty of 17s. 6d. a pound. Now observe"[Sir Robert Peel here tore the binding from one end of the bundle of straw, and from the centre of it took out a neat small roll of straw-plait, about the thickness of the thumb, which had been concealed inside the bundle.]

He next devoted a considerable portion of his speech to convincing those who feared the reduction of

the duties on live cattle, that their alarm was groundless. "In the first place, it was a mistake to suppose that the high rate of living in this country benefits any interest; and he illustrated his position by a reference to the poor-rate, which falls with peculiar severity on land. Some had urged that deference should be paid to the apprehension, however groundless; but it would be inconsistent with the part of a real friend to his country: to consult the apprehension of panic which you believe to be ill-founded, is like the case of high protective duties-it would be inviting the parties to rest on an unstable foundation. Even without the Tariff, there must have been a reduction in price at this time of the year; and another kind of reduction had been artificially produced. "If persons will insert advertisements in newspapers offering to supply populous towns with butcher's-meat from Hamburg at 3d. a pound, and if parties will not inquire into the fact, but take it for granted, and will sell their cattle in consequence, I cannot help it. A little inquiry would have shown them that the house with the fine German name at Hamburg does not exist at all (Laughter, and Hear, hear!')-and at present at Hamburg they would have found that they were paying 6d. a pound for their butcher's-meat. My belief is, that interested parties, pretending a sympathy with the graziers, have inserted this advertisement and encouraged this panic, for the purpose of taking advantage of it and bringing cattle into the market.' Had the English grazier been told fifteen years ago of the wonderful discoveries of steam and the inordinate increase

of the importation of live stock from Ireland and Scotland, he would have felt as great a panic as at present: but has the price of meat decreased?" From returns which he read, it appeared that, under the Navy contracts, the price of fresh beef had increased from 35s. 4.75d. the hundredweight in 1835, to 49s. 2-92d. in 1841; at Greenwich Hospital, from 40s. 7.50d. to 56s. 0.50d.; in the market for shipping, from 36s. to 48s.; and in Leadenhall Market, from 7 d. and 8d. a pound to 8d. and 8d. The number of hogs of 210 pounds each slaughtered for salt pork had increased from 17,523 in 1835 to 24,380 in 1841; the price from 4l. 14s. 8d. per tierce to 71. 3s. 5d. This increase showed that something should be done to meet the demand; and if it were said that the enhanced price was partly owing to disease among the cattle, that of itself was a conclusive argument for admitting a foreign supply. Our ports have been opened for corn to the competition of the whole world. He repeated former statements to show that it is from Holstein alone that any great supplies of cattle could be brought. Stormy seas are a barrier to the traffic; and he was certain that not a single ox, fat or lean, would cross the Bay of Biscay. Inquiries had taught him that the trade of feeding lean cattle had become quite profitless except for the sake of the manure: lean cattle from the Continent could mend that; and it was a reason in favour of a uniform duty per head, that it would favour the introduction of large lean oxen, which would be the most profitable to the grazier; whereas a duty apportioned to weight would encourage the import of small lean

oxen. Another security to the English grower was the quality of the article. In fact, from what he had learned, he did not despair of seeing England become an exporting country. Legs of mutton were already exported from Hull for consumption abroad. Let the alarmists, too, look at the trade in horses: the duty on them is uniform; the smallest pony and the most valuable draught-horse are charged equally in 1841, 339 horses were imported, at 17. a head, and 4,538 were exported. He should rejoice when chemical and scientific improvements were so brought to bear that the same course would be taken with cattle."

Such were the grounds of the change which it was Sir Robert Peel's full intention to carry through; and he had now fulfilled the purpose for which he rose. "I know that many Gentlemen who are strong advocates for free-trade may consider that I have not gone far enough. I believe that on the general principle of free-trade there is now no great difference of opinion, and that all agree in the general rule that we should purchase in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) I know the meaning of that cheer. I do not now wish to raise a discussion on the Corn-laws or the Sugar-duties: I have stated the grounds, on more than one occasion, why I consider these exceptions to the general rule, and I will not go into the question now. I know that I may be met with the complaints of Gentlemen opposite of the limited extent to which I have applied the general principle to which I have adverted to these important articles. I thought, after the best consideration that I

could give to the subject, that if I proposed a greater change in the Corn-laws than that which I submitted to the consideration of the House, I should only aggravate the distresses of the country, and only increase the alarm which prevailed among important interests. I think that I have proposed, and the Legislature has sanctioned, as great a change in the Corn-laws as was just or prudent, considering the engagements existing between landlord and tenant, and also the large amount of capital which has been applied to the cultivation of the soil. Under these circumstances, I think that we have made as great a change as was consistent with the nature of the subject."

In conclusion, he cited the wise and just words of Mr. Huskisson in 1825 against the needless application of new principles. He and his colleagues had removed prohibitions, reduced duties, balanced between conflicting interests, and endeavoured to make their measures as effective as possible, with as small an amount of individual suffering as was compatible with regard to the public good. He trusted that their measure would act as an example to the whole of Europe; showing, that in the midst of financial difficulties they were not afraid to attempt a reduction of the Import-duties, looking to other means to meet those difficulties. Those countries would soon find how profitless was the expense of establishments to keep down the smuggler in the support of their high duties. Comparisons would be drawn between England and the countries where monopolies exist as Spain, where the system exists in perfection; and there they would see eternal contests, and yet no revenue. It was his

belief that Russia would shortly be compelled, by the loss of revenue, to abandon her attempts to force manufactures. The example of England would insure the general application of just principles, with benefit to herself and to those who were wise enough to follow.

Mr. Labouchere said, that he had heard with very great pleasure the main principles which the right honourable Baronet had laid down and the outline of the measure which he proposed. At the same time, he felt bound to state in justice to his late colleagues and himself, that the late Government had actually announced a tariff reform, and had prepared a measure on that subject: it was only the want of success which attended its plans with respect to corn, timber, and sugar, which had prevented it from submitting to the House measures of a similar character to those now brought forward. The main and essential difference, however, between the schemes of the late Government and the present was this, that whereas the late Ministers deemed it unjust to bring in a general measure of commercial reform, which must necessarily affect the interests of so many classes, without dealing boldly and firmly with the laws restricting the importation of Corn and other prime necessaries of life, such as sugar, &c.; the right honourable Baronet entered upon his commercial reform without dealing in a satisfactory manner with the subject of corn and leaving the sugar question altogether untouched. Premising thus much, he assured the right honourable Baronet that he did not mean to deny that there was a great deal that was most valuable in the proposed Tariff, and he felt certain that at no great

distance of time the effect of these changes on the general condition of the people would prove most beneficial. After protesting against Sir Robert Peel's taking credit for the effect of his new Corn-bill in reducing the price of the necessaries of life, and stating his opinion that in reality foreign corn was now as much excluded from coming into consumption as ever, Mr. Labouchere concluded by saying, that he should interpose no petty cavils or trivial objections to the progress of the measure, but should reserve to a future occasion some objections which he entertained to particular points in the Tariff, whereby he conceived that some important principle was compromised or from which some great injustice would result.

Mr. D'Israeli could not admit the claim of the party in opposition to being the exclusive originators of the principles of free-trade. He begged to remind the House that it was Mr. Pitt who first promulgated them in 1787. This was at a time when the Whigs ranked among their numbers the names of Burke, Fox, Sheridan, Sir Philip Francis, and Lord Grey; and yet Mr. Fox, on that occasion, as well as Mr. Burke and Mr. Sheridan, denounced in strong terms the new principles of commercial reciprocity. The principles of free-trade were developed, and not by Whigs, fifty years ago, and how was it the Whigs now came forward and claimed the credit of originating those opinions? the conduct now pursued by Sir Robert Peel was in exact accordance and consistency with the principles for the first time promulgated by Mr. Pitt, and therefore it was that he had risen to refute the accusation that the present Government for the

sake of office had adopted opinions on these subjects at variance with those which they had always professed.

Mr. Hume hailed with joy the right honourable Baronet and his Colleagues becoming converts to the principles of free-trade. He cared little to which side of the House the credit of those opinions belonged, being perfectly satisfied with their being now practically recognised and adopted. He should do his utmost to support the right honourable Baronet in carrying out those principles which he had so ably explained to the House, and his only regret was, that he did not extend the application of them to corn as well as to other articles of food. He regarded the present measure as an instalment, which must soon be followed by the removal of the Corn-laws.

Mr. Gladstone said, that though it was not worth while now to discuss who were the authors of the principles on which the present measure was founded, he must enter his protest against the statement that the Government had now come forward as converts to principles which they had formerly opposed. He must say, however, that if they were to take the twenty-seven years subsequent to the war, in no period of seven years out of the twenty-seven had so little been done for the principles of commercial relaxation as during those seven years in which the late Government held office.

Mr. E. B. Roche said, that though on principle always favourable to the doctrines of free-trade, yet when he looked at the details of this measure, he could not but see that they would be very injurious to Irish interests. Ireland exported provisions in a double