would be more quickly brought about by projects such as we now contemplate, than by any other events that can be made to present themselves to the imagination. Financial and commercial interests should never be allowed to cause division between two nations. Take, for example, England and France: the immense development of international commerce brought about by British capital thrown into all the undertakings of France, has established ties between the two countries which become closer every day. Nor should political interests or questions of principle be permitted to interfere with the progress of civilisation and the peace of nations. All civilised peoples can have but one common aim, one same ambition: the triumph of right over might-of civilisation over barbarism. Even the sordid jealousy of territorial expansion is a feeling that should be repudiated by all generous governments. People feel and acknowledge in the present time that the globe is vast enough to offer to the spirit of adventure that animates their respective populations, countries to make available, human beings to withdraw from a state of barbarism, and so long as the civilised nations of the world, instead of thwarting one another, as has too often been the case in projects of this description, work together, as they ought to do, the conquests of the one profit by the activity of the other.

M. Lesseps has, in a letter addressed to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, grappled with the subject of the political inconveniences of the route to India through Egypt.

There is, in fact, a point of the globe with the free passage of which the political and commercial power of Great Britain is bound up, a point, the posSession of which France had, on her part, aspired to in former times. This point is Egypt, the direct route from Europe to India, Egypt bathed once and again with French blood.

It is superfluous to define the motives which would not allow England to see Egypt in the possession of a rival nation without opposing it by the most energetic resistance; but what should also be taken into serious consideration is, that with less positive interests, France, under the dominion of her glorious traditions, under the impression of other feelings more instinctive than rational, and therefore more powerful over the impressionable spirit of her inhabitants, would not, in her turn, leave to England the peaceable sovereignty of Egypt. It is clear that so long as the route to India is open and certain, that the state of the country ensures the facility and promptitude of the communications, England will not set about creating the most grave difficulties by appropriating a territory which, in her eyes, has no other value than as a means of transit. It is likewise evident that France-whose policy, for the last fifty years, has been to contribute to the prosperity of Egypt, both by her counsels and by the concourse of a great number of Frenchmen distinguished in the sciences, in administrative capacity, in all the arts of peace or war-will not seek to realise, in this direction, the projects of another epoch, so long as England does not interfere.

But let one of those crises occur which have so often shaken the East, let a eircumstance arise wherein England should find herself under the rigorous necessity of taking a position in Egypt to prevent another power from forestalling her, and tell us then if it is possible that the alliance could survive the complications which such an event would occasion. And why should England consider herself obliged to become mistress of Egypt, even at the risk of breaking her alliance with France? For this single reason, that Egypt is the shortest and most direct route from England to her Eastern possessions; that this route must be constantly open to her; and that, in whatever concerns this mighty interest, she could never temporise. Thus, from the position given to her by nature, Egypt might still become the subject of a conflict between France and

Great Britain; so that this chance of rupture would disappear if, by a providential event, the geographical conditions of the ancient world were changed, and, that the commercial route to India, instead of passing through the heart of Egypt, were removed to its confines, and, being opened to all the world, could never be exposed to the chance of its becoming the exclusive privilege of any one.

The object here proposed would be at once attained by adopting the line of the valley of the Euphrates in preference to that by Egypt. The commercial route to India, instead of passing through the heart of Egypt, would then be removed far away beyond its confines-(it is a grievous mistake-one which a mere glance at the first map at hand would serve to correct that Egypt is the shortest and most direct route from England to her Eastern possessions)-and the only possible bone of contention between England and France would be for ever removed, the union of the two peoples rendered for the future unalterable, and the world preserved from the calamities which a rupture between them would produce.

In relation to another very serious consideration-that of the future prospects of the empire of our august ally the Sultan-it is obvious that the opening of the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris would certainly, more than any other projected undertaking, contribute to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire, and to demonstrate to those who have been wont to proclaim its decay and ruin, that it still has a productive existence, and that it is capable of adding a brilliant page to the history of the world's civilisation. This is the view of the subject that was always entertained and upheld by General Chesney, and that at an untoward period in the history of Turkey-when Syria was occupied by a hostile Egyptian force. But at that time Russia was in the ascendant in the East, jealousy of influence, and still more so of possible territorial extension, was then permitted to have full sway; England and France had not united to establish the force of right against that of might, and to vindicate the cause of progress and civilisation in the East over that of barbarism. Russia held sway not only over the Porte, but over the timid councils that then influenced Great Britain, and a noble and praiseworthy project was abandoned at the dictation of the Muscovite.

Why, it has been truly asked, have the governments and the peoples of the West combined to uphold the Sultan in the possession of Constantinople? and why has he who has thought fit to menace that position met with the armed opposition of Europe? Because the passage from the Mediterranean into the Black Sea is of so much importance, that whatever European power might become master of it would domineer over all the rest, and destroy that balance which the whole world is interested in preserving.

Do but establish, then, at another and far more extensive point of the Ottoman Empire a similar and a yet more important position-do but make the valley of the Euphrates the highway of the commercial world, and you would restore millions of productive acres to the revenue, bring thousands of merely vassal tribes within that pale of order and fair tribute which they have long learned to disregard; and while you thus improve to an almost incalculable extent the resources of the empire, you create in the East another immovable seat of power, for the great powers of Europe, from fear of seeing such one day seized upon by one of them, would regard the necessity of guaranteeing its neutrality as a question of vital importance.

Germany could not but hail the opening of the valley of the Euphrates with satisfaction. It would indeed be to her the complement to the free navigation of the Danube. The Czar ought to consider that the mission of civilisation which devolves upon him over the numerous tribes of whom he is arbiter may yet suffice the noblest ambition. The new outlets which will be pacifically thrown open to their activity and to their necessity of expansion, will be more profitable to them than a policy of conquest and exclusive dominion, which it is now no longer possible for any one nation to carry on triumphantly.

After all that has been done by printing, the mariner's compass, steam, the nineteenth century, by the realisation of this great undertaking, would again change the face of the globe. The honest Turk, the polished Persian, the rude but laborious Kurd, the roving Arab, and the oppressed Christian and Jew, attached by resistless ties to the new circle of traffic which the continent of Europe unceasingly creates and feeds, would be all alike gradually brought within the pale of a general civilisation.

Mr. Anderson has pointed out, that suppose the 150,000,000 of Indians and 350,000,000 of Chinese should, in consequence of increased facilities of communication, augment their outlay in the purchase of English produce by one shilling each, this modification alone, insignificant as it appears, would augment the amount of exports by 25,000,0001. How much would this be further increased if we brought 12,000,000 of dwellers in Ottoman Asia, and 10,000,000 of dwellers in Persia into the same category, and which would be effected by superadding the opening of the valley of the Euphrates to that of the Isthmus of Suez, or by supplanting the one by the other?

It has been justly remarked by another writer, that the argument adduced by some, of problematical dangers arising from increased facilities of communication, has its origin in the old distrusts of that worn-out theory, that miserable tissue of mistakes that took upon itself to teach that a people is only rich and flourishing in proportion as its neighbours are indigent and unfortunate. Doubtless the countries of Europe nearest to the East would derive a considerable profit from the opening of the valley of the Euphrates as they would also from that of the Isthmus of Suez; but our egotism ought to find therein a motive for satisfaction, for we cannot be ignorant of the fact that the development of commerce, whatever be the means employed, always ends by bringing the better part of the profits to the most intelligent and most numerous firms.

England and France, and even other nations by their example, appear, as a result of a war carried on especially for the sake of civilisation, now called to great works which throw into shade the most striking deeds of history. Among these works of the future, it appears that the opening of the valley of the Euphrates, and the restoration of Syria and Mesopotamia, of Assyria and Babylonia, stands first in rank. Such a proceeding, by multiplying and strengthening the ties by which people of all climates, of all races, of all beliefs, are united to Great Britain and France, would connect for ever the general prosperity of nations with the happiness of those countries, their security with their power, and their independence with their liberty.

The present Emperor of the French, writing upon the projected open

ing of the Nicaraguan ship canal, said: "Think of the almost miraculous effects which will be produced by the annual passage across this fine country of 2000 to 3000 vessels, which would exchange their productions for those of the East, and cause life and riches to circulate everywhere. We may picture to ourselves those shores, now so solitary, peopled with towns and villages; those lakes, now gloomy and silent, furrowed by ships; those rugged lands fertilised, and the interior canal carrying the benefits of civilisation into the heart of the country." In how much more comprehensive and practical a manner would the same anticipations apply to the opening of the valleys of the Euphrates and the Tigris, once the home of Assyrians, Babylonians, and Chaldeans; where the daughters of Zion sat down and wept; the centre of the conquests of the Macedonians; where once stood the proud capitals of the Sassanides and of the Khalifs; now deserted and tenantless, the ruins of former greatness abandoned to the contemplation of the melancholy stork, the rick plains furrowed by the wild boar, the wide expanses roamed over by startled antelopes, the bright forests echoing only to the roar of the maneless lion.

As mankind multiply and make progress in arts and civilisation, new wants arise, and the ingenuity of man is taxed to discover new sources of wealth, maintenance, and occupation; and we find, under the dispensations of an all-wise Providence, that at suitable seasons resources are unveiled which have been long provided but concealed until the fit occasion presents itself. Amongst the numerous administrations of the same wise and merciful design, it is not unreasonable to believe that the opening of the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris, and the resuscitation of the great nations of antiquity, are amongst the events designed to minister to the growing wants and improvement of the human race.

Looked upon in another point of view, in the light of reflected benefits-25,000,000 and upwards of human beings inhabiting Western Asia, and 500,000,000 and more inhabiting Central and Eastern Asia, remain to this day enslaved by debasing superstitions, and sunk in mental darkness and delusion-what a field is here opening to the Christian philanthropist To aid in the removal of ignorance and superstition by the diffusion of useful knowledge and an enlightened religion, to plant industry and the arts where indolence and barbarism have hitherto prevailed, are noble efforts, tending no less to elevate those who engage in them than the object of their exertions. The opening of the central regions of Western Asia, and of a new and easy line of communication between the East and the West, would obviously subserve the promotion of such objects, and therefore can scarcely fail to excite an interest in the mind of every sincere well-wisher to his fellow-creatures.

To conclude in the words of Captain Allen, no time could be more favourable than the present, when the efforts we are making to uphold the tottering empire must convince the Turks of the sincerity of our good will, which should lead them to unite cordially in any project that holds out a prospect of great mutual advantage. With such guarantees as might reasonably be expected from the present circumstances and disposition of the Porte, it would seem to promise to be a safe speculation,—a small risk for a great ultimate advantage.

INFATUATION.

BY THE AUTHOR OF "THE UNHOLY WISH."

I.

ONE summer's evening, two gentlemen were seated at a well-spread dessert-table in an aristocratic quarter of West London. He at its head, its master, was a fine, stately man, wearing in his countenance, in its expression and form of feature, the impress of true nobility-nature's nobility, not that of the peerage, for he was in reality only a merchant, though one of the first class. His lady wife-she was the daughter of a peer-had just quitted the room, and left them to themselves. They were the heads of the well-known City firm "Grubb and Howard." Mr. Howard had walked up from the City at this evening hour to confer upon a matter, which had come to his knowledge, with his senior partnersenior in authority, but his junior in years; a private engagement having brought Mr. Grubb away from the City at mid-day.

"Did you draw a cheque on Saturday morning, before leaving home, in favour of self, and get it cashed ?" began James Howard, as Mr. Grubb returned to his seat, from closing the door after Lady Adela. "At Glyn's."

The merchant threw his thoughts back to Saturday morning. The reminiscence was unpleasant. For a scene had then taken place with his wife, painful to him, disgraceful to her. He had drawn no cheque. "No," he answered.

"A cheque for 500l., in favour of self?" continued Mr. Howard, slowly sipping his port wine.

"I don't draw at Glyn's in favour of self," interrupted the merchant, "only at my private banker's. You know that, Howard, as well as I do."

"Just so. Therefore, upon the fact coming to our notice this afternoon that such a cheque had been drawn and paid, I stepped over to Glyn's and made inquiries."

"Well?"

"Well, there it was, safe enough: a cheque purporting to be drawn and signed by you."

"Charles Grubb?" "

"No; the firm signature, Grubb and Howard.' And a very good imitation it is. But if it is your writing, your hand was nervous when you wrote it, rendering the letters less decided than usual."

"Who presented it?" inquired Mr. Grubb.

"Mr. Cleveland. And he received the money."

"Cleveland!" uttered Mr. Grubb, in the most astonished tone. "There is some mystery about this."

"So it seemed to me," answered the junior partner.

of town you said to-day."

"Went down yesterday to Brighton, to his father's. the morning. But how did he procure the cheque? resumed the puzzled merchant. "Where's the April-VOL. CVI. NO. CCCCXXIV.

money

"Cleveland's out

?"

Will be home in
Who drew it?”

2 D