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ereign vast sums of money were expended in repairing and enlarging old and building new imperial residences and pleasure grounds, and in the repair and erection of Buddhist temples, tombs, tablets, &c., all over the country. Succeeding Emperors do not appear to have had the vigor to repair the losses to the national wealth occasioned by the profligate expenditures made by Kien-loong. The people becoming impoverished, became also discontented, and their discontent showed itself in rebellions and insurrections. This insurrectionary spirit, on the part of the people, seems to have become chronic, and rebellion showed itself in nearly all the provinces of the empire at various times during the present century. It finally culminated in what was known as the Taeping rebellion, which raged with great violence and ferocity from about 1850 to 1865, and devastated and laid waste almost the entire central part of China before it was finally suppressed. To the destruction of life and property by the insurgents must be added the cost in men and money of the wars carried on by the imperial government for their suppression, and also the foreign wars that have occurred, all of which reduced hundreds of thousands of the peasantry to destitution, want, and starvation. From the best data obtainable, the loss of life by casualties of war, wounds, sickness, and starvation, within the last one hundred years, has overbalanced the natural increase of population, so that the actual number of people now in China is less than it was a century ago. If this estimate be correct, of which there can be little doubt, it is obvious that from these causes alone decline and retrogression must be the inevitable result. In addition to this, and more potent, probably, than all other causes combined, is the increase in the consumption of opium. This vice, which has consumed their substance and enervated the people, was scarcely known at the beginning of the present century. In the year 1800 the total amount of opium imported into China, according to the most authentic accounts, did not exceed 4,000 chests of 133 pounds each. In 1869 the amount of the foreign drug brought into this country was about 85,000 chests. This estimate includes 53,000 chests actually entered at the open ports, on which duties were paid, and 32,000 chests which the foreign customs anthorities believe were smuggled into the country from Hong-Kong. At the beginning of the present century very little opium was produced in China. In 1869 careful estimates put down the native growth at equal to 75,000 chests, which makes the total consumption of this drug 160,000 chests, equal to 21,000,000 pounds, or ten thousand five hundred tons. The value of the opium brought into the country, in all ways from abroad, does not vary much from $68,000,000, equal to seventy-five per cent. of the value of all the tea and silk exported to foreign countries. These figures tell a painful story, and are a sad commentary upon the beneficial influence of foreign trade upon the welfare of this people. They prove most conclusively that the vice of opium-smoking has consumed, and is consuming, a large portion of the earnings of the people, lessening their ability to pay taxes, which, in turn, tends to the impoverishment of the government. But this estimate only includes the smaller part of the loss and damage. The consumption of this drug has weakened the energies of the people, promoted indolence and profligacy, lessened their productive power, and thus accelerated the decay and rain of the empire.

Whether this decadence can be arrested by a reformation in the habits of the people, or whether new sources of industry and wealth can be opened up to replace the losses caused by the use of opium, or both, are questions worthy of the serious consideration of all who desire to foster

and increase the commercial relations between the people of western nations and this country. The former, in my judgment, is only possible by creating among the people a better moral sentiment, which will have the effect to curb their appetites and passions; the latter can only be done by enlightening the governing and educated classes with reference to the benefits to be derived, and through their influence induce their own people to undertake the task of systematically developing the vast mineral and other resources that now lie dormant, or allow foreigners to do it for them. In my judgment these are the only means of regenerating this country and this people peacefully.

The masses must be educated through the labors and influence of the Christian missionaries chiefly, and the officials must be taught by the wise, judicious, and energetic action of foreign governments, through their diplomatic representatives in Peking. This latter influence must be exerted in the enlightenment of the officials, and the strengthening of the central power, so that its decrees and mandates may, while doing justice, have more force and command more respect than is the case

now.

There is still another course more direct, if not more effective, than either, which may be termed the "popular course"-force. This is regarded by most of the foreign residents here as the only sure and speedy agent for "opening up" China. The merchants look upon the use of force as necessary to open up new resources and avenues of industry, and a large proportion of the missionaries favor it because their task will, by this means, be rendered less difficult, probably, than by the slow and laborious process of moral suasion.

I will do the missionaries the justice to say that their mode of reasoning leads them to honestly believe in the morality and humanity of war to accomplish the best results to this people. They believe that "the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof;" that they are simply agents in the hands of the Almighty to effect the christianization and regeneration of the heathen; that the more speedily the work progresses the better it is for the Chinese and the world; that force is absolutely neces sary to break down the barriers of ignorance, conceit, and superstition, and that the use of armies to compel submission is only adding an auxil iary force to reason to accomplish the great work of the Master. The arguments against such a theory are so obvious that it is not necessary to repeat them here.

That the work of reformation by peaceful means will require many years of forbearance on the part of other nations, and patient labor and effort of those to whom the task is committed, is quite certain; but that time, forbearance, and labor will accomplish it, must in the nature of things be so. The believers in the other theory assert, with truth, that all foreigners are now residing in China through the influence of force exerted in former years, and hence nothing, in their opinion, but force will, in the future, break down the barriers of ignorance and superstition which stand in the pathway of progress. It is hardly necessary for me to say that to this theory in its entirety I do not subscribe.

Leaving justice and morality quite out of view, and reducing the question to one of policy and expediency simply, I see so many obstacles in the way of securing permanent advancement by war, for it really means nothing else, that I should hesitate long before counseling the applica tion of military force for the purpose of obtaining further concessions.

But with all the forces which will be brought to bear against it, I have little hope, and no real expectation, that peaceful relations will continue

between China and foreign nations so that the ameliorating influences of education will be able to do the work of regeneration.

The slowness and vacillation of the central government will be likely to exhaust the patience of other nations; and the infractions of treaty rights by the provincial authorities and the people, and the pressure of the mercantile class for additional concesions, will sooner or later cause a rupture which will end in a foreign war.

In estimating the chances and counting the probabilities as to the future, it should be borne in mind that the manufacturing operations in some European countries are in a measure dependent upon maintaining and increasing the market for manufactures in India and China.

To try and relieve their suffering operatives at home, may cause these governments to pursue a course, in the attempt to increase trade, which would not, under other circumstances, be attempted.

Happily, no such considerations are likely to enter into the policy which the United States may choose to pursue towards this or any other nation.

In addition to all the other difficulties which stand in the way of the maintenance of peace and good-fellowship between natives and foreigners, is the "irrepressible conflict" which is sure to result when two distinct races and civilizations are brought vis-a-vis.

The Indian wars on the North American continent, and the experience of the people of the United States with African slavery, are painful illustrations of this truth.

The mistake that most foreign residents make, is in underestimating the value of Chinese intellect and Chinese civilization.

It is not fair to compare this people with Indians or negroes, or to place them on a par with the inhabitants of India and the Eastern Archipelago.

The Chinese are superior to most, if not all, existing Pagan nations, in mental capacity, industry, and administrative power. Although their education is faulty, and really valueless for the practical purposes of an enlightened age, yet their ability to master difficult studies shows a capacity for acquiring knowledge that compares favorably with any people. Chinese merchants compete successfully with the foreigner in all branches of trade, and occupy at the present time the vantageground here.

The peasantry are industrious, frugal, and painstaking; content with gains that afford subsistence in the most inexpensive form; noted for their docility and love of order. Their isolation, and ignorance of everything that pertains to modern science, promotes superstition, and their belief in the Emperor being the head of all affairs, both temporal and spiritual, leads them to look with distrust upon all innovations or prospect of change. The great mass of the people have never seen a foreigner. They have been taught that the people of other countries are a distinct and separate species, fierce, cruel, and rapacious, capable of committing any outrage, and ready to practice any device for purposes of gain.

Unfortunately, impartial history cannot be invoked to disprove many of the counts in the indictment against foreigners. On the other hand, most foreigners make little distinction between Chinese civilization and barbarism. In their opinion the Chinese are an inferior race, whose rights, privileges, or prejudices are too apt to be disregarded when gain is hindered thereby, or when they seem to stand in the way of the onward march of what we are pleased to call our "superior civilization." The same influences are at work in China that produced a somewhat

noted dictum by one of the highest judicial officers of the United States, in which the assertion was made in substance, if not in words, "A negro has no rights that a white man is bound to respect." And this startling announcement was approved of, apparently, by a large minority, if not a majority, of the people of the United States.

Foreigners residing here are much too prone to exhibit by acts, if not by words, their belief in the doctrine that "a Chinaman has no rights that a white man is bound to respect."

The present reigning dynasty is weak and effete, capable of being overthrown by a joint movement of the treaty powers, or even by any one of the first-class powers alone.

If the present government be overthrown, what then? What will take its place? No foreign government would, I imagine, undertake to conquer China and hold it as a dependency, nor would such a course be tamely acquiesced in by the other treaty nations, if attempted. To divide and parcel out the territory among the western nations would also be impracticable, for there would be some-the United States among the number, probably-that would hesitate before accepting territory here if freely offered, and they would seriously object to any such scheme on the part of others. So that whatever may occur in the future, one thing may, I think, be safely set down as certain: China must be governed by the Chinese.

If there were men to be found in the non-official class of intelligence, breadth of mind, vigor of thought and courage, capable of and willing to do better if opportunity were offered them, than those now at the head of affairs, it might perhaps be policy for foreign nations, both in their own interests and for the future welfare of the Chinese, to favor the bringing of this new life into the government by aiding in the overthrow of the present effete dynasty. But, so far as I am able to learn, there are none to be found who would be likely to do better, or even as well, as the present officials. Those now at the head of the government have had the benefit of ten years' experience and direct contact with the foreign diplomatic representatives of other nations, in which time they have learned much, and can, therefore, better appreciate the power of the Western nations, and of the benefits to be derived by preserving amicable relations with them than any men in the empire.

But with all their advantages their progress in knowledge has been slow; so little that, in our moments of impatience, the task seems almost hopeless of ever being able to accomplish what all well-wishers to this government and people so much desire. But when we calmly consider the position in which these men are placed-foreign governments on the one hand demanding, oftentimes with menace, concessions possible and impossible, and on the other a nation of ignorance, superstition, and arrogance, that would not only prevent any forward movement, but would, if they could, undo all that has been done in the past-their dif ficulties and embarrassments appear to call for the exercise of charity and forbearance on the part of other nations. These difficulties the people at a distance do not see or appreciate, which accounts, in some measure, for the harsh, and, in many cases, unjust criticisms of the people and press of other nations upon the high officials here.

In view of all the difficulties herein detailed, I am of the opinion that foreign nations, in their intercourse with this government and people, should pursue a just and firm course, and at the same time be prepared to exercise patience and forbearance.

They should insist upon the due fulfillment of treaty engagements,

and be prepared to render protection to their own citizens and subjects, whenever the imperial government is either unable or unwilling to perform its duty. And while doing this with vigor and firmness, without unnecessary menace, every effort should be made to increase social and commercial intercourse, as fast as the government can make its power effective, and the increase be rendered safe and to the mutual advan tage. Should a state of peace continue, this is the only prudent and practicable course to introduce reform. If, on the contrary, peaceful relations be interrupted, and the foundation of the government be shaken by foreign war, the education of the officials in the manner indicated will the better prepare them to accept and profit by innovations and radical changes that may, by pressure, be forced upon them. I have, &c.,

FREDERICK F. LOW.

No. 47.]

No. 25.

Mr. Low to Mr. Fish.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Peking, January 15, 1871. (Received March 28.)

SIR: Referring to my dispatches Nos. 29, 31 and 34, in regard to the removal of the American missionaries from Tungchow, in consequence of apprehended danger, I have now the honor to inclose an extract from the report of Commander Kimberly, of the United States ship Benicia, which vessel was dispatched by Admiral Rodgers, in response to my suggestion, to convey the missionaries back to their homes.

You will also find inclosed translation of a note from the prefect at Tungchow to Commander Kimberly, in which assurance is given that the local authorities are able to and will protect the missionaries fully in the enjoyment of life and property, and in the peaceable pursuit of their calling.

The full report and the papers connected therewith, which the admiral sent me, are quite voluminous. Many of the papers do not seem important enough to send, nor is it possible to have copies of all made without employing additional clerical force. If, however, any further information should be wanted, copies of all the papers can, I presume, be obtained at the Navy Department.

In this connection I desire to say that I have had no information from the missionaries, except a short note from one of them saying that they had all reached Tungchow. Without expressing any opinion as to the real peril they were in, or whether there was or was not cause for the step they took, I am of the opinion that their removal and the manner of their return will, on the whole, result in good.

My thanks are due to Admiral Rodgers for the prompt assistance he rendered in bringing this matter to a satisfactory conclusion.

I have, &c.,

FREDERICK F. LOW.

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