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to lose his rank, emoluments, and pay, and to forfeit his estates. His degradation is visited upon his children, though an exception may be made in the case of his son, selected as the heir apparent to the Imperial throne. Minister Wu says this punishment is considered by the Chinese officials as only short of death. Prince

Tuan is not banished, there being no precedent for the exile of a prince, but this will probably be demanded by the Ministers.

The Reconstruction of China

In a forthcoming work on China by the venerable Dr. Martin, President of the Imperial University of Peking, the following interesting suggestions are made, looking to the restoration of order. The suggestions are equally timely as advice for the securing of the fruits of a revolution which has placed the fate of China in the hands of the foreign Powers. Dr. Martin places the principal blame for the revolution on the Empress Dowager, and says: (1) To undo the mischief which she has accomplished, she should be sent into exile and the Emperor should be restored to his proper authority, subject to a concert of the Great Powers. Dr. Martin does not suggest any direct penalty to be visited upon the Empress; deprivation of power would in itself be sufficient punishment for a woman of her proud and haughty disposition. Should

the Emperor return to Peking, however, the Dowager ought not to be allowed to accompany him, nor in any event should there be any communication allowed between her and her Imperial nephew. (2) Let all the acts of the Empress Dowager, beginning with her coup d'état, and including the appointment of her partisans, be canceled, except such as are approved by the new administration. (3) Let the Emperor's programme of reform be resumed, and carried out with the sanction of the Powers. (4) Let the Powers mark out their spheres of interest, and each appoint a representative to control the action of provincial governments within its own sphere. The fourth consideration raises the most serious question with which the Powers have to deal; nor is it now raised for the first time. It originated more than a score of years ago. Some of the Great Powers had then

planted their feet on the portion of the Empire which they intended to claim as their special spheres, or perhaps ultimately as their territorial dependencies. Dr. Martin has lived fifty years in China. As the result of his long experience, he declares that, for the Chinese, complete independence is neither profitable nor advisable. His plan, as indicated above, would, he holds, keep existing machinery in motion, avert anarchy, favor progress, and conciliate the support of the most enlightened among the Chinese people. The alternative, in his opinion, would be the overthrow of the present dynasty and the formal partition of the Empire-a process that would involve long and bitter conflicts. Dr. Martin points out that, in the scheme proposed, foreign Powers would have time to mature their policies and to introduce gradual reforms, gaining vastly more than they could hope to secure by open

violent absorption. In short, Dr. Martin says, it is easy to govern China through the Chinese, but impossible otherwise.

The Boer War

Last week's two engagements near the Koomati River in the Transvaal were important. At the first the British losses were twentysix; at the second, fourteen. The Boers were defeated in both; their loss is unknown, but is believed to have been several times as heavy. General Buller arrived in England last week, and answered his critics vigorously. He declared that, when the history of the war was fairly written, it would be found that the British army in South Africa had confronted difficulties far greater than those which any army operating against an equally civilized enemy had ever experienced. He cited the Boers' superior range of vision and familiarity with the Kaffir language and country. The shameful drunkenness in London, for which the return of the City Imperial Volunteers from South Africa was the excuse, has called forth some remarkable protests. er" declares that the "degrading influences of the last twelve months have left neither self-control nor self-respect in the populace, fed daily on a diet of sensationalism and passion." The "Spectator" says it were better that the people should always remain under the "long gray

"The Speak

shadow left by Puritanism " than combine the "Roman elephant with the leer of the satyr on such occasions." Most impressive of all, however, is the protest from Lord Roberts, Commander-in-Chief of the British army. He expresses the hope that future welcomes will not lead to excesses tending to degrade those whom the nation delights to honor, and to lower the soldiers of the Queen in the eyes of the world. "I therefore beg earnestly," says Lord Roberts," that the public will refrain from tempting my gallant comrades, but will rather aid them to uphold the splendid reputation which they have won for the Imperial Army. I am proud to be able to record, with the most absolute truth, that the conduct of this army from first to last has been exemplary. Not a single case of serious crime has been brought to my notice; indeed, nothing deserving the name of crime. I have trusted to the men's own soldierly feeling and good sense; and they have borne themselves like heroes on the battlefield and like gentlemen on all other occasions."

The Triple Alliance

In the October number of that excellent review, the "Nuova Antologia," there is a paper of much interest to students both of past history and of present politics. The article is the work of Signor Crispi, long Prime Minister of Italy. For the first time from an official Italian source, the origin of the Triple Alliance is explained. The Alliance is generally supposed to have been the work of Bismarck and his friend Crispi. The latter declares this to be a mistake. The Italian fathers of the Alliance were Signori de Robilant and Mancini, though Signor Crispi admits that he completed and renewed it. The RussoTurkish war and the Treaty of Berlin had changed the map of eastern Europe, but Italy, at that time politically isolated, had obtained no advantages. This was not because she had not aspired to them. She pretended to have rights to the eastern shore of the Adriatic and also to Tunis. She was compelled to see the annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina by Austria and of Tunis by France without the ability to prevent. Doubly disappointed, Italy was compelled, if she would be a real Power, to seek friendship. That of Ger

many was offered to her. By political necessity Germany had already gained Austria's friendship, despite the memories of 1866. Italy gladly grasped at the chance, and changed the dual alliance into a triple one. She entered it on a footing of equality, without being asked to take upon herself any engagements which might hamper her liberty of action. While, by the laws of equilibrium, this conjunction of Powers determined the gradual formation of the Franco-Russian alliance, says Signor Crispi, Italy really rendered an indirect service to France, a country also suffering from isolation after the war of 1870-1. In addition, as Germany separates France and Russia, Italy has nothing to fear from the new dual alliance. For her part, France, becoming yearly calmer, has been able more and more to appreciate things as they are. She now sees in the Alliance uniting Germany, Austria, and Italy no permanent menace for her.

The Canadian elecThe Canadian Election tions were held on November 7, and the Government of Sir Wilfrid Laurier was sustained by a large majority. The last House of Commons was composed of 134 Liberals and Independent members who usually supported the Government, 78 Conservatives, and one member classed as a representative of the Labor party. In five outlying constituencies the elections have not yet been held, but when they are completed the supporters of the Government in the new House are likely to number 130, the Conservatives 80, and the Independents 3. The fifteen members of the Government who have seats in the House of Commons have all been returned by large majorities, while on the Conservative side many of the leaders of the party have suffered defeat. Among the most notable of these are Sir Charles Tupper, the Conservative leader, Mr. Foster, ex-Minister of Finance, Sir Adolph Caron, and Hugh John Macdonald, only son of the late Sir John Macdonald, and regarded by many as the coming leader of his party. While the Government majority remains almost the same, the Liberals met with a decided reverse in the great English-speaking Province of Ontario, where, out of 92 members, the Government has but 36

supporters as against 51 in the last House. On the other hand, it has made heavy gains in the Province of Quebec, where 57 out of 65 members are now supporters of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. The Liberals also made large gains in the Maritime Provinces. The large Liberal majority in Quebec is principally due to the great popularity of Sir Wilfrid Laurier with the French-Canadians, who are proud that one of their own race should be at the head of the Government. The Conservative journals in Quebec attribute the overwhelming defeat of their party in that Province to the raising of the racial cry against Sir Wilfrid Laurier by the Conservatives of Ontario. This, they assert, caused the French-Canadians to rally around him as they never had done before. The raising of the racial cry against Sir Wilfrid Laurier in Ontario undoubtedly told against the Liberals in some parts of that Province, notably in Toronto, which was swept by the Conservatives; but the principal reason for the Government losses in Ontario seems to have been a widespread feeling that they had failed to carry out their ante-election pledges to cut down the annual expenditure and reduce the public debt, which is now over fifty dollars per capita. It can hardly be said that there was a leading issue in the campaign, although general satisfaction with existing conditions is the chief indication in the result. On the Government side the electors were exhorted to vote for a continuance of prosperity and the full dinner-pail, while the Conservatives attacked the Government for admitting British goods at preferential rates without securing preferential treatment for Canadian exports to Great Britain. If this was the issue, English-speaking Canada has declared against the British preference, and French-speaking Canada for it. The sending of the military contingents to South Africa was a subject of much discussion. In Quebec Sir Wilfrid Laurier was attacked by the Conservative candidates for sending any contingent, while in Ontario he was attacked for not sending them with greater promptness. Since the the election, Sir Charles Tupper, who is now in his eightieth year, has announced that he will not accept a seat for another constituency, and the Conservative party is thus left for the present without a leader.

Little progress was

Cuba's Constitutional made by the Consti


tutional Convention

in Cuba in its first week's session. The disputed election cases evidently caused some delay and anxiety, while other preliminary matters are still to be settled, chief among which is the question whether the sessions of the Convention shall be open or secret. It is alleged that those of the delegates who are urging that the sessions should be private are opposed to such a federal form of government as the United States possesses, although the advocates of that form of government insist that the delegates were selected on an understanding by the voters that this plan should be adopted. It is said, on the other hand, that the delegates could not freely discuss the important questions before them if the sessions were to be open, and the precedent of the Convention which framed the Constitution of the United States is cited. In either case there is little doubt that the public will be kept pretty well informed of the proceedings of the Convention. The election of a permanent President for the Convention will occur this week; and then, for the first time, there is expected to appear a sharp division of the Convention on political lines between the Republicans and the Nationalists. General Wood, in opening the Convention, used the following language:

It will be your duty, first of all, to frame and adopt a Constitution for Cuba, and when that has been done, to formulate what, in your opinion, ought to be the relations between Cuba and the United States. The Constitution must be adequate to secure stable, orderly, and free government. When you have formulated the relations which, in your opinion, ought to exist between Cuba and the United States, the Government of the

United States will doubtless take such action on its part as shall lead to a final and authoritative agreement between the people of the two countries, to the promotion of their com

mon interests.

General Wood's address indicates a welcome change from the position taken in the call for the Convention, which, after stating that it would be the duty of the delegates to form a convention, added: "And, as a part thereof, provide for and agree with the Government of the United States upon the relations to exist between that Government and the Government of

Cuba." Such an agreement ought to be made, in order to secure the interests and promote the welfare of both parties, but we ought not to require that such agreement be incorporated in the Constitution. General Wood wisely advised calmness, self-restraint, and conservatism in the deliberations of the Convention; and pointed out that the fundamental distinction between representative government and dictatorship is that in the former every representative of the people confines himself strictly within the limits of his defined powers. Eminently proper and commendable was the first utterance of the Convention, which was one of appreciation and gratitude to the United States Government and to Governor-General Wood for the aid given to the Cuban people in advancing toward self-government.

This utterance of the Convention neither expressed nor implied any doubt of the sincerity of the United States in aiding Cuba to attain "the liberty and independence of the Cuban people."

Conditions in Cuba

We have received the following letter from General Wood, which we give to the public promptly. The apparent delay is due only to the time involved in its transmission through the mails:

Headquarters Division of Cuba, Havana, November 5, 1900. To the Editors of The Outlook:

In your edition of November 3, under heading "General Wood on Cuba," you quote me as saying that full reports of the yellow fever condition were not made public last year. I have never made any such statement. I simply stated that the reports were not published last year in the same manner as they are at present. There is absolutely nothing in my remark to warrant that anything about yellow fever was withheld or concealed. Nothing can be further from the fact. Last year there was a monthly statement of fever conditions given out. This year we publish it daily in the local press, and give the statements day by day to the representatives of the American press; the purpose being to keep the American public fully informed as to exact conditions, as I do not care to have a large number of Americans come here without knowing the yellow fever situation, which, while not serious, is still sufficiently pronounced to render it desirable that it should be known to all intending visitors.


The Outlook is often dependent on the daily journals for its information, and

it is liable at times to be misled. In this case the misapprehension of the daily press (was not unnatural; at least it is easy to see how the statement that the reports were not published last year in the same manner as they are at present might lead to the impression that they were not published as fully. One radical difference between American and Spanish administration lies in the fact, illustrated by this letter, that the facts are made public under an American administration which were concealed under Spanish, and that thus at times the worst is reported. This is as it should be; publicity is one of the best methods of securing correction of public evils.

The Porto Rican Election

A singular election was that which took place in Porto Rico last week, the first since the island has come under the control of the United States. The singularity is found in the extraordinary fact that while from sixty to seventy-five thousand votes were cast (the meager accounts which have reached this country vary as widely as this), only two or three hundred votes were polled by the minority party; the Republicans in Porto Rico, therefore, may felicitate themselves on having gained proportionately the largest majority ever attained in an election under United States laws. The two parties in the island were known as the Republicans and the Federals. The reason of the enormous disparity in the vote is found in the fact-one which we believe to be unique in election contests-that the Fed. eral party formally withdrew from the contest before the election day. It appears that the leaders of the Federal party claim that gross injustice had been done to their party in the method of registration, and they proposed to appeal to the courts after the election for the purpose of nullifying the results. The object of the election was to choose delegates to the inferior of the two legislative bodies established by the Porto Rican law passed at the last session of Congress. Under that law qualifications for voters are stated as follows: "All citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been bona-fide residents for one year, and who possess the other quali

fications of voters under the laws and military orders in force on the first day of March, 1900, subject to such modifications and additional qualifications and such regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be prescribed by the Executive Council." The qualifications for voters in the municipal elections in the fall of 1899 were that the voter be a bona-fide male resident of the municipality, over twenty-one years of age, and either a taxpayer of record or able to read and write. Whether these qualifications have been since altered, either by military orders or by the Executive Council, we are not able at this writing to ascertain; inquiry at Washington fails to obtain information on this point. The total registration for this election was about one hundred and twenty thousand, and as seventy-five thousand votes were cast, there would seem to be a probability that the Federals possessed only a minority of the voters, amounting to perhaps forty thousand. In addition to members of the House of Delegates, a Commissioner to represent Porto Rico in Congress (but of course without a vote) was chosen. The Republican candidate elected was Señor Gonzales; and, owing to the withdrawal of the Federal ticket, there was practically no opposition. The Porto Rican Legislature meets on December 3. Governor-General Allen is reported as saying that the election marks a forward step for Porto Rico, both because it was quiet and orderly, and because, as he thinks, the success of the Republican party indicates immediate legislation in the direction of the protection of property rights, more schools, and better roads; while it also implies a cordial reception by the people of the American government.

As a renewed General MacArthur's Report and aggressive campaign is, according to semi-official reports from Washington, about to begin in the Philippines, the wet season now being about over, General MacArthur's report, which covers the time from May 1, 1900, to September 1 last, really marks a complete period in the history of the war. In large part it is occupied with a consideration of the motives and sentiments of the natives toward Americans, and the

nature and causes of the so-called guerrilla methods now adopted. General MacArthur points out the conditions of the country which aid the natives in this kind of warfare; shows that the fact that we were occupying on September 1 of this year four hundred and thirteen stations explains the number of minor skirmishes; and reports the casualties of Americans during the months named above as 268 killed, 750 wounded, and 55 captured, while the Filipino losses for the same time were 3,227 killed, 694 wounded, and 2,684 captured. He plainly states that the extensive distribution of troops has strained the soldiers of the army to the full limit of endurance. This is further confirmed by the annexed report upon health conditions, which shows that in June of this year, out of a total of 63,284 for our army, there were 5,563 sick, making the large percentage of 8.79 per cent. Coming to the relations of the Filipinos to the Americans, General MacArthur declares that the Filipinos are not a warlike or ferocious people. Left to themselves, he thinks a large number would gladly accept American supremacy; but he adds, "They have been maddened during the past five years by rhetorical sophistry and stimulants applied to national pride," and seem to be actuated by the idea that “in all doubtful matters of politics or war men are never nearer right than when going with their own kith and kin, regardless of consequences." General MacArthur admits that some further explanation of the unity of action of the natives in aiding the guerrilla warfare is necessary, and states that even where we have organized municipal governments it is quite common for secret Filipino municipal governments to exist side by side with the American governments, even acting through the same personnel, and, "paradoxical as it may seem, with considerable apparent solicitude for the interests of both." Intimidation is not enough, says General MacArthur, to account for this, and he somewhat cumbrously ascribes the adhesive principle to "ethnological homogeneity, which induces men to respond for a time to the appeals of consanguineous leadership, even when such action is opposed to their own interest." In the final paragraphs of his report General MacArthur discusses the possibility of a

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