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No. XXII. POSITION ON THE WAR AND PAYMENT OF SOLDIERS.-The views held and advocated by Mr. VALLANDIGHAM on the war and all matters relating thereto, have been very clearly indicated in the foregoing pages. It was sup posed nothing more on those subjects could be needed to clear his record of all doubt or uncertainty. But since the preceding pages were printed, greater and more desperate efforts are making to place Mr. VALLANDIGHAM in a false position before the public. Malignant misrepresentations, prompted by hatred and prejudice, are, as far as possible, substituted for that just judgment which would be formed by a fair and candid observation of his own words and actions. In view of this effort to pervert the judgment of the public, it has been thought best to add a few paragraphs, showing what were his recorded opinions on these subjects at the commencement of the war.

On the 12th of July, 1861, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM moved the following proviso to the Volunteer Army Bill. It was before any serious battle had been fought between the contending parties:

"Provided further, That before the President shall have the right to call out any more volunteers than are already in the service, he shall appoint seven commissioners, whose mission shall be to accompany the Army on its march, to receive and consider such propositions, if any, as may at any time be submitted from the executive of the so-called confederate States. or of any one of them, looking to a suspension of hostilities and the return of said States, or any one of them, to the Union, and to obedience to the Federal Constitution and authority."

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM thus defined his position in the following remarks which comprise all that was said by him directly on the war, during the Extra Session. At that time the war was justified by many democrats on the ground that there was an immense Union sentiment in the South which could be developed by dispersing the armies of the Confederate tates and releasing the people of the South from the military despotism which they said was exercised by the few who had managed to get power. He said:

"I offer the amendment in good faith, and for the purpose of ascertaining whether there be such a disposition in the House. For my own part, sir, while I would not in the beginning have given a dollar or a man to commence this war, I am willing— now that we are in the midst of it without any act of ours-to vote just as many men and just as much money as may be necessary to protect and defend the Federal Government. It would be both treasan and madness now to disarm the Government in the presence of an enemy of two hundred thousand men in the field against it. But I will not vote millions of men and money blindly, for bills interpreted by the message, and in speeches on this floor, to mean bitter and relentless hostility to and subjugation of the South. It is against an aggressive and invasive warfare that I raise my vote and voice. I desire not to be misunderstood. I would suspend hostilities for present negotiation, to try the temper of the South-the Union men, at least, of the South. But as the war is upon us, there must be an army in the field; there must be money appropriated to maintain it; but I will give no more of men and no more of money than is necessary to keep that army in the position, and ready to strike, until it can be ascertained whether there is a Union sentiment in the South, and whether there be indeed any real and sober and well founded disposition among the people of those States to return to the Union and to their obedience to the authority of this Government. I trust that this amendment will receive that consideration which I believe it justly deserves."

And yet, incredible as it may seem. this proposition to appoint commissioners solely for the purpose of a restoration of the Union by the return of the seceded States, received only twenty-one votes!

On the 18th of July, during a speech by Mr. Holman, of Indiana, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM, interrupting him, said:

"The gentleman misapprehended me altogether. I am looking to the restoration of the Union through peace, while the gentleman is looking to it through war. That is the only difference between us."

On the 13th of May, 1861, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM addressed a letter to certain constituents who had requested a public expression of his views in regard to the support of the army, and in relation to the general purposes of the war. From that letter we copy the following:

"Waiving the question of the doubtful legality of the first proclamation, of April 15th, calling out the militia for "three months," under the act of 1795. I will yet vote to pay them, because they had no motive, but supposed duty and patriotism to move them; and, moreover, they will have rendered almost the entire service required of them, before Congress shall meet. But the audacious usurpation of President Lincoln, for which he deserves impeachment, in daring against the very letter of the Constitution, and without the shadow of law. to raise and support armies," and to "provide and maintain a navy," for three years, by mere executive proclamation, I will not vote to sustain or ratify- NEVER. Millious for defense;

not a man or a dollar for aggressive and offensive civil war.

The peace policy was tried; it arrested secession, and promised a restoration of the Union. The policy of war is now upon trial; in twenty days it has driven four States and four millions and a half of people out of the Union, and into theConfederacy of the South. In a little while longer it will drive out, also, two or four more States, and two or three millions of people. War may, indeed, be the policy of the EAST; but peace is a necessity to the WEST."

In that way Mr. VALLANDIGHAM has talked from the beginning. There has been nothing indefinite or uncertain in his utterances. The war, so far as required. for the protection and defense of States which remained in the Union, he has always approved and been ready to sustain with money and men. When any allusion has been made to a possible invasion of Northern States by the armies of the South, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM has always been among the first to declare an invincible determination to repel such invasion at every hazard. "If they invade us," said he in his speech at Newark, N. J., on the 14th Feb., 1863, "we will write for them precisely the history they have been writing for us for the last few months."

But to the war, so far as it has looked to an attempted forcible recovery of se ceding States, he has given no sympathy or encouragement. Thus regarded, be has never felt nor expressed the least confidence in it. He has never believed it could, by any possibility, accomplish its avowed object. He has neither offered nor counseled any active resistance to the war measures of the Administration, for he saw no legal and Constitutional way to make such resistance effectual; but, with the whole strength and energy of his nature. he has endeavored to create a public sentiment which would, ere long, demand that the war as now and hitherto

conducted should cease. His efforts have been thus directed, because he has loved the Union and desired its restoration, and has believed that every stroke of the war was making the breach deeper and wider.

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In regard to the soldiers who have enlisted or been drafted into the service, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM has always maintained that they were justly and fully entitled to every compensation the Government had promised. On every question of this sort he has always been the soldiers' friend. He sustained and voted for the bill providing for the payment of the three months' volunteers, July 9th, 1861, and when a unanimous consent to its passage was asked for, remarked: I presume there is no objection to the bill at all." He also took an active part in the movement in Congress, Dec. 2, 1862, to increase the soldiers' pay to fifteen dollars a month, and proposed to "make the fifteen dollars payable in gold." In answer to a note dated Hamilton, O., Oct., 6, 1862, telling him that some of his political enemies were endeavoring to mislead the people by representing that he would, if re-elected to Congress, oppose all measures providing for the relief of soldiers wounded or incurring disability in the military service, Mr. V. said:

"In reply to yours of yesterday, I have to say that I supported all the measures in the last Congress looking to the giving of invalid pensions to all soldiers 'wounded or incurring disability in the military service.' Upon a question like that, no just or humane man could hesitate for a moment. Every soldier who has performed service is entitled to the pay and bounty promised him by law, and all disabled in any way during service are entitled to pensions; and I have never, either directly by vote or indirectly by refusing to vote, withheld either, where the service had been rendered or the disability incurred; nor would I do so."

No. XXIII. SPEECHES IN OHIO, APRIL, 1862.-We mentioned above, No. 21, that Mr. VALLANDIGHAM was one of the speakers at the Democratic Mass Meeting in Hamilton. The four or five weeks following that meeting Mr. V. had, in his own private plans, laid aside for rest and recuperation, but the people had other views in regard to the best use to be made of his time. Letters and dispatches, pressing upon him daily and continually, urging him to speak at various places in Ohio and other States, constituted an irresistible appeal. A few places, easily reached, were visited, and other engagements made. Batavia, Somerset, Columbus and Mt. Vernon were among the places where thousands of brave and true men came together to hear Ohio's favorite and cherished son. The meeting at Mt. Vernon was held on the first day of May. Fifteen thousand or more men were there. In his speech, on that occasion, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM declared that after the battle of Fredericksburg, in December, 1862, the Administration leaders were ready and willing to close up the war and make peace with the Confederate States on the basis of separation; that negotiations aiming at that result would have been en

tered into at once if the Democratic leaders would have consented to the arrangement, but they sternly refused all co-operation in any such measures. They were ready and anxious to second any movement for a cessation of hostilities, provided a way were left open for a restoration of the Union. An armistice they would gladly accept, or would even stop the war and take the chances of reunion, in such way and manner and on such terms as the two sections of the country might be able to agree upon, but would not make disunion the basis and condition of peace. This determination of the Democratic leaders being made known to the Administration, a more vigorous and relentless prosecution of the war was at once determined upon and commenced. The Abolitionists were determined to force a separation, and to that end the war was again to be "prosecuted with vigor." This grave charge, he averred, could be substantiated by the most positive proof. No one who heard Mr. VALLANDIGHAM's speech in Mt. Vernon, or his preceding speeches in Columbus and other places, could doubt or deny that the charges he was making against the Administration, and the proofs he adduced in support of those charges, were doing much to destroy what little confidence remained in the honesty or capability of those men. His bold assertion and defense of the Constitutional rights of the people, especially in the matter of free speech, free press and a free ballot, combined with his manly and fearless exposure and denunciation of certain arbitrary measures, by which those sacred rights were interfered with, were doing much to arouse the people to a full consciousness of impending danger. The tendency of such efforts must be to form in the public mind a deep and settled determination to resist the further progress of those measures by every just and lawful means. So much as this should be frankly conceded as furnishing a motive, though affording no legal or honorable excuse, for stopping Mr. Vallandigham.

No. XXIV. ARREST OF MR. VALLANDIGHAM.—From the meeting in Mt. Vernon Mr. VALLANDIGHAM went home, where he intended to remain a few days, then go to Norwalk, thence to other places, where appointments to speak had been made. Meantime Gen. BURNSIDE had also concluded to take charge of Mr. VALLANDIGHAM'S movements, and had marked out a different course. The first intimation of this determination on the part of the military commander was brought to the notice of the public, by the following announcement in the State Journal of May 4th:

"WATCHED.-Gen. Burnside sent up a portion of his staff, in citizens' dress, to report Vallandigham at Mount Vernon on Friday, and we should not be at all surprised to learn that he had got himself into a scrape."

At three o'clock the next morning, Tuesday, May 5th, Mr. VALLANDGHAM Was arrested-one hundred and fifty soldiers being sent up from Cincinnati for that purpose. The arrest, though not very brave, was exquisitely strategetic. The

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night, the special train, houses guarded near the residence of Mr. V., and along the street to the depot, quick and cautious movements, doors broken, bed-room entered, prisoner captured, placed in the cars and gone, all inside of thirty minutes! The mind that planned and executed that movement must have been endowed with military genius equal to the emergency.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM was hurried to Cincinnati, and consigned to prison. His arrest was announced, and the indignation of the people was deep and terrible. The following letter, written in prison, on the day of his arrest, was handed to a visitor, and thus came to the public :

To the Democracy of Ohio:

MILITARY PRISON, CINCINNATI, OHIO,
May 5th, 1863.

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I am here in a military bastile for no other offense than my political opinions. and the defense of them, and of the rights of the people, and of your Constitutional liberties. Speeches made in the hearing of thousands of you in denunciation of the usurpations of power, infractions of the Constitution and Laws, and of Military Despotism, were the sole cause of my arrest and imprisonment. I am a Democrat --for Constitution, for Law, for the Union, for Liberty-this is my only "crime." For no disobedience to the Constitution; for no violation of law; for no word, sign or gesture of sympathy with the men of the South, who are for disunion and Southern independence, but in obedience to their demand, as well as at the demand of Northern Abolition Disunionists and Traitors, I am here in bonds to-day; but

"Time, at last, sets all things even !"

Meantime, Democrats of Ohio, of the Northwest, of the United States, be firm, be true to your principles, to the Constitution, to the Union, and all will yet be well. As for myself, I adhere to every principle, and will make good, through imprisonment and life itself, every pledge and declaration which I have ever made, uttered or maintained from the beginning. To you, to the whole people, to TIME, I again appeal. Stand firm! Falter not an instant!

C. L. VALLANDIGHAM.

No. XXV. MR. VALLANDIGHAM BEFORE THE COURT-MARTIAL.-The military commission, appointed by order of Gen. BURNSIDE, convened at 10 o'clock, May 6th. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM being asked if he had any objections to any member of the Court, replied:

"I am not acquainted with any of the members of the Court; have no objections to offer to them personally, but I protest that the Commission has no authority to try me: I am neither in the land or naval forces of the United States, or in the militia in actual service of the United States, and am not therefore triable by such a Court, but am amenable only to the Judicial Courts of the land."

Of course this refusal to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Court was not heeded; the Judge-Advocate read the following Charge:

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Publicly expressing, in violation of General Orders No. 38, from Headquarters Department of the Ohio, sympathies for those in arms against the Government of the United States, declaring disloyal sentiments and opinions, with the object and purpose of weakening the power of the Government in its efforts to suppress an unlawful rebellion."

This charge was followed by a bill of "Specifications," among which were: "Declaring the present war a wicked, cruel and unnecessary war;' 'a war not

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