Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

effect was arrived at, and M. Talleyrand undertook to communicate on the subject with the allied sovereigns on the one hand, and with the leading members of the Imperial Senate on the other.

and tact of this master of diplomatic-finesse. After indicating the conditions of the capitulations, this document concluded thus:

"Parisians-You know the situation of your country. The friendly occupation of Lyons; the proceedings at Bourdeaux;-misfortunes drawn upon France and the true dispositions of your countrymen. You will perceive in these examples, the termination of war abroad and discord at home.

You cannot otherwise attain that end.

Talleyrand was well informed of what had passed between the sovereigns at the congress of Chatillon. The Emperor Alexander had told the Princess Stephanie of Baden, that if Napoleon refused to come to terms before the allied powers crossed the Rhine, they would not treat with him, but It is with this hope, that Europe, in arms under would overthrow him. At Chatillon, never-that confidence which she reposes in your patriotyour walls, addresses you. Hasten to respond to theless, much discordance prevailed among ism and your wisdom." them as to the prospective arrangements. They were perfectly agreed, however, in the absolute necessity of establishing such a government in France as would ensure the permanent tranquillity and security of Europe.

In proportion as the clouds gathered round the imperial throne, Talleyrand saw his salons filled with every shade and variety of opinion, from the staunch republican to the enthusiast of divine right. All assembled there pell-mell; scrutinized each other's looks, and vainly tried to read the future in the visage of their wily host. Talleyrand, with consummate tact and flexibility, had a ready reply for each inquirer, to excite their hopes, or flatter their self love. He told the Republicans, that the Allied Sovereigns desired that the nation should choose its own form of government. He assured the Bonapartists, that their position and appointments would not be disturbed; that there were still chances of a regency under the Empress; but that it was indispensable that the Emperor be removed. To the Royalists, he professed that his earnest wish was to see the House of Bourbon re-established in France; but that, to accomplish this, would require the greatest discretion and the utmost caution, to avoid offending the opinions of large and powerful parties, whose hostility might render every measure directed to that object abortive.

Various attempts were made on the days of the 30th and 31st March, by the Royalist party, to get up popular demonstrations in favor of the Bourbons, but without success. Talleyrand understood the French public too well to countenance such proceedings. On the night of the 30th, he prepared a proclamation, to be published in Paris, by Prince Schwartzenberg, in the name of the Allied Sovereigns, which affords another striking example of the skill

Here all parties found something to raise their hopes, or to tranquillize their fears. The example of Bourdeaux was presented to the Royalists; and the partisans of Napoleon, and even the Republicans, were flattered with the assurances, that although Europe was in arms around their capital, she only asked for peace, and left France to choose her own form of government.

On the afternoon of the 31st March, the allies entered Paris by the northern Faubourgs. The strange cortége traversed the Boulevards from the Porte St. Denis to the Champs Elysées, under the eyes of thousands of astonished citizens, who filled the windows and the house-tops. Curiosity and sadness were strangely mingled in the countenances of the multitude. The proclamation had reassured the public, and no sense of danger was manifested. The shops and the marts were re-opened, and commerce flowed in its customary channels. M. Pasquier (the present venerable President of the Chamber of Peers), being then at the head of the municipality, adopted measures for the preservation of order, and the protection of private property.

In the afternoon, the Emperor Alexander arrived at the Rue St. Florentine, and took possession of the suite of rooms provided for him in the magnificent Hotel Talleyrand. All visitors to Paris are familiar with the front of this building, which looks upon the Rue de Rivoli and the Place de la Concorde. The windows of the first floor, with the large stone balcony before them, are those of the apartment of the Emperor. The first object which met his view on approaching, was the spot on which Louis XVI. and his unhappy queen and sister fell under the guillotine. How often did Talleyrand, when, at a later epoch, he declined in favor with the restored family, conduct his guests to this room, of which the

same furniture is still retained, recur to the were further facilitated by the counsellors proceedings of which it was the theatre, and in whom Alexander reposed most confisignalize the ingratitude and infatuation of dence. M. de Nesselrode, his chancellor, kings. a practised diplomatist of the most polished This apartment seems destined to be the manners, participated sincerely in the Emscene of political and diplomatic intrigue. peror's desire for peace, without, however, The same room in which Alexander held forgetting that one of the conditions to be his receptions is now the saloon of the cele- advanced at the proper moment should be brated female diplomate and intriguante, the acquisition of the complete sovereignty the Princess Lieven, the widow of the for- of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. M. mer Russian Ambassador at London, and Pozzo di Borgo also at that time exercised now the intimate friend, or, as some say, great influence on the Czar. M. Pozzo, a the wife of M. Guizot. Here were con- Corsican, had been a member of the Lecocted the Spanish marriages. Here was gislative Assembly under the Revolution, planned the purchase of fifty millions in the and later, having entered into the service French funds, by the Emperor Nicholas, of Russia, had risen to the rank of majorand from the same table as that on which general. Talleyrand, desirous that each was signed the treaty of Paris, were written of the sovereigns should be informed of those letters to the present Czar which what it was most to his purpose that they brought about the recent financial arrange- should know, had placed in attendance on ment with the Bank of France. them persons who, while they were accepta

But to return to the more immediate sub-ble to them respectively from past relaject of our present narrative, Alexander, tions, were also in the confidence of Talleyon arriving in the hotel of his distinguished rand, and ready to lend themselves to his host, having retired for a short repose, designs. Thus he placed General Beurrejoined Talleyrand in the salon. The nonville, who had been a long time Ambasconversation was immediately directed to sador at Berlin, in attendance on the King the means which would be most effectual to of Prussia. The Chancellor de Hardenput an end to the war with which it was berg also had numerous relations with Taladmitted that all the nations of Europe were leyrand, while the latter held the Ministry fatigued. To be the instrument of esta- of Foreign Affairs, and did not forget the blishing universal peace had become the moderation with which he caused the harsh dominant idea in the mind of Alexander. orders of Napoleon to be executed in BerWith an imagination stronger than his un-lin. With Prince Schwartzenberg, the derstanding, and an ardent and generous Plenipotentiary of the Emperor of Austria, heart, he had already become the dupe of Talleyrand placed the Duke de Dalberg, the celebrated Madame Krudener, who had rendered acceptable by his former intimacy persuaded him that Napoleon was the with Prince Metternich. This was the perBLACK DEMON, or the genius of battles, sonage, the management of whom required and that he, the Czar, was the WHITE AN- the most refined tact, for the interests of GEL, or the genius of peace, whose mission the Empress Maria Louisa were to be rewas to play the part of universal pacifica-garded, closely connected as they were with tor, in this nether world, by the agency of the forfeiture of Napoleon. The great obhis vast armies. The unhappy circum-ject of the restoration of the Bourbons could stances connected with his father's death only be attained by the voluntary sacrifice had never ceased to haunt his excited ima- of these interests; and it was necessary to gination, nor did he ever stand perfectly convince the Emperor of Austria that his self-acquitted on that terrible event. His own interests, as well as the interests of all more generous impulses therefore rendered Europe, required the extinction of the him eager to be the instrument of good on rights of his daughter and his grandson. the large scale, so as in some measure to atone for his participation, however involuntary, in the event which placed him on the imperial throne.

By circumstances, no less than by temperament, therefore, Talleyrand found in the Emperor a subject easy to be wrought to his purposes, even with much less skill than he had at command. His designs

In a preliminary conference which the Duke de Dalberg held with the Prince Schwartzenberg on this subject, he obtained the assurance of the Prince, that the Emperor and the Prince Metternich were both of the opinion that the continued sovereignty of Napoleon was incompatible with the repose of Europe.

This proposition being once admitted, it

was an easy inference that the regency was
inexpedient, since, in fact, it would be a
change of government only in name.
ame. The
regency of the wife, in the name of the son,
would be in substance the continuation of
the reign of the Emperor. Nevertheless,
it was not an easy matter to bring the
father to renounce the rights of the daugh-
ter and the future empire of the grandson.
The suspension of all regular and recog-
nised government is a state too dangerous to
be allowed to continue a moment longer
than it can possibly be avoided. It had,
accordingly, been arranged that the first
conference, with a view to the settlement of
the government, should be held immedi-
ately after the entry of the sovereigns into
the capital. At four o'clock in the after-
noon of the 31st of March, 1814, this con-
ference was held in the great salon of the
Hotel Talleyrand, which we have already
described. On the right of the fire-place,
and next the splendid centre table which
still occupies the room, sat the King of
Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg; to the
right of the prince was placed the Duke de
Dalberg, and next to him M. Pozzo di
Borgo and the Prince de Lichtenstein. On
the left of the King of Prussia, and at the
table, sat M. Talleyrand. The Emperor
Alexander paced incessantly with rapid
strides the length of the apartment, repeat-
ing in interrupted sentences, and with an
interjectional tone and agitated gesticula-
tion, "I was not the person to begin this
I was forced from my own dominions
by an unwarranted and unprovoked inva-
It is neither the thirst for vengeance
nor the desire of conquest that has brought
me to Paris. I have done everything in
my power to spare this great capital. I
should have been inconsolable if a stone of
it had been disturbed. I do not make war
on France or on the French people. My
allies acknowledge no enemy save Napoleon
and those who are opposed to the liberty
of the French people. Is not that your
majesty's opinion?" continued Alexander,
stopping suddenly opposite the King of
Prussia, and directing his words to that
monarch.

I shall be ready to do whatever your majesty may decide upon."

"Messieurs," resumed the Emperor, addressing himself to Talleyrand and the Duke de Dalberg, "the French are perfectly free to choose whatever sovereign or form of government may be most agreeable to them."

Talleyrand now spoke, and gave to the conference a more deliberative tone. Three expedients in the existing state of affairs presented themselves. 1. To make peace with Napoleon, exacting every practicable guarantee against his future aggressions. 2. The regency of Maria Louisa until the majority of the King of Rome; and 3d, The recall of the Bourbons. Talleyrand proceeded to show the numerous objections which would be raised against the sovereignty of Napoleon, which would impose upon the allied powers the necessity of maintaining an army of occupation, besides an exorbitant military establishment. " "The allies," said he, desire peace a solid and durable peace, in which all Europe shall feel confidence. With Napoleon as a sovereign in France, there could be nothing but a truce." He argued equally against the Regency, which would, in fact, be nothing but the reign of Napoleon continued under another name. And if it were otherwise, what chance, he argued, would there be of stability for a child under age upon a throne which a great man had failed to establish? How, without the power of genius, the force of age, the resource of glory, could he resist the flood of new ideas and doctrines which was about to overspread the nation? How could he restrain the Royalist party, which was already recommencing its attempts with revived hopes, and declaring openly for the return of the Bourbons, whose power nevertheless it was desired to limit by the establishment of national rights and the consecration of the public liberties. In short, the re-establishment of the House of Bourbon on the throne of France was, he contended, the only solution of the question which was practicable and generally acceptable. This measure would put an end "I will follow your majesty's counsel," to the military dictatorship under which calmly replied King William," but my own France had succumbed, would give every opinion is, that Napoleon should in the necessary guarantee for constitutional libfirst instance be pursued and destroyed. erty, and would be the harbinger of a lastHe is now at Fontainbleau with a devoted ing peace. Here," concluded Talleyrand, army. To fight and conquer him is the" is a fixed, a definite, and intelligible first and most essential object; afterwards principle on which we can base our pro

war.

sion.

ceedings the Ancient Dynasty and the ancient limits."

So argued Talleyrand. The Prince de Lichtenstein, however, disputed the opinion that the public in France desired the restoration of the Bourbons. The allied army had traversed a large tract of the country, and except at Bordeaux had not witnessed a single manifestation favorable to the exiled family. And was not the resistance of the army to be feared? The rooted dislike to the Bourbons was observable in all the corps-the latest conscripts, as well as the oldest veterans. No stability or security could attend any arrangement except one in which the state of public opinion would be considered and respected. In short, the Prince contended that the Restoration, as a permanent measure, was impracticable.

Alexander here interposed.

"By what means do you propose to carry your proposition into effect?" asked he of M. Talleyrand.

By the acts of the constituted authorities," promptly replied the Vice Grand

Elector.

"I will answer for the Senate. The impulse once given by it will be immediately propagated through Paris, and through France. If, however, your Majesty does not put full confidence in my judgment in this matter, I will ask your permission to introduce to your presence the Baron Louis, and M. de Pradt, who will corroborate what I have advanced."

The Emperor having assented, MM. Louis and de Pradt being in waiting for the purpose, were called in. Alexander recommenced his agitated strides from end to end of the room, repeating in broken sentences, as before

Napoleon is a common enemy"-"I am the friend of peace-and you, M. de Pradt, what is your opinion?"

"We are Royalists," answered the archbishop," and all France is with us. If no manifestations are made, it is in consequence of the Congress of Chatillon. Paris will declare itself when it can do so with safety, and the influence of the example of Paris will decide all France."

The Baron Louis expressed himself to the same effect, but was even more decided in his declaration against Napoleon. When it was observed to him that Napoleon was not yet dead, even politically, he repliedC'est un cadavre; seulement il ne pue pas

[blocks in formation]

Alexander, now addressing the King of Prussia, asked him whether he still persisted in his resolution against Napoleon, and put the same question to Prince Schwartzenberg. On receiving their answer in the affirmative, the Emperor, in a high state of excitement, still pacing rapidly up and down the room, repeated several times"I declare, then, that I will not treat with Napoleon."

"But," interposed Talleyrand, "this declaration only excludes Napoleon himself. It does not refer to his family."

"Eh bien !" resumed the Czar,—“ ajoutez :-ni avec aucun des membres de sa famille."

Talleyrand having thus gained his point, instantly took a pen, and committed the declaration to writing. M. Nesselrode made a fair copy of it after it had received some verbal corrections. It was the most important act of these conferences :—

"The armies of the allied powers have occupied the capital of France. The allied sovereigns accept the wish of the French nation. They declare that they will no longer treat with Napoleon Bonaparte, nor with any member of his family. They will respect the integrity of ancient France, as it existed under its legitimate kings. They will recognise and guarantee the constitution which the French people will frame for itself. They desire, therefore, that the Senate shall appoint a proviadminister the affairs of the country, and prepare sional government, which may at once serve to the constitution which it shall consider to be most suitable to the French people."

After having put his signature to this document, Alexander still hesitated before authorizing its publication. It would constitute a final and irreparable rupture with Napoleon, the vast military genius and grand character of whom still exercised over the excitable imagination of Alexander an indescribable influence. He retained a lively recollection of the interviews at Tillsitt and Erfurth, and he was, moreover, under the strong persuasion that he was himself predestined to survive Napoleon but a short time.

Matters were thus progressing exactly as Talleyrand desired; he worked the strings by which the movements of the actors were directed and governed. He had a two-fold object in view-to accomplish the restoration by the regular play of the constituted authorities, without an emeute or a crisis, and to impose on the restored Dynasty such a constitution as might give all the desired guarantees for the establishment of the

rights and liberties of the people. As yet, nothing was expressly declared about the Bourbons, for they would fall into their place, as a matter of course; but it was adroitly managed that the allies should pledge themselves that the Senate should decide on the constitution,-such a constitution " as should appear to be suitable to the French people." Thus the constitution was put forth as the first and chief object, and left to the care of the Senate the monarch would have to be spoken of later. Talleyrand considered that when a government should be regularly organized in place of the Imperial authority, and should be sanctioned by the Senate and the legislative body, all the subordinate authorities would speedily group themselves round it, and the Restoration would be brought about by the mere operation of that habitual obedience to the impulses received from superiors, which had now prevailed throughout all departments of the public administration for fifteen years. His object was more especially to give to the recall of the Bourbons the semblance at least of a national origin, and to make it appear to be the result of an expression of the public will. In adopting this course he also fulfilled the intentions of Louis XVIII., who, in his proclamation of January, 1814, had called upon the Senate to set aside the government of Bonaparte.

Of the Senate, there were not one hundred members in Paris. Many had been sent into the departments to excite the people; others had followed the Regency to Blois. In this body a strong republican minority had lately grown up, violently opposed to Napoleon, and anxious to force him from the Imperial Throne. Of this opposition, most of the members of which had remained in the capital, Talleyrand availed himself with his usual tact. They would have preferred to all other forms of government a Republic, but were persuaded that the time was not yet arrived at which their wishes could be realized. They would therefore be contented with a limited monarchy, so limited as to leave the sovereign no real power whatever, not even as much as the president of a republic. Without discussing the details of the constitutional monarchy to be proposed with this section of the Senate, Talleyrand was content to avail himself of their hatred of Napoleon, to induce them to originate the proposition of his forfeiture. But still the

great majority of the Senate were warm supporters of Napoleon.

Amidst these conflicting interests and jarring opinions, the greatest prudence and caution were necessary. If he had at once disclosed his ultimate designs, he would have encountered a resistance equally strong from both parties. He therefore decided to confine his propositions in the first instance to provisional measures merely, which alarm no party, and offend no opinion, leaving, meanwhile, each party to hope that the subsequent proceedings would be in accordance with its wishes. MM. Talleyrand and de Dalberg therefore resolved to propose the appointment of a committee to consider and report on the course necessary to be taken. On the night of the 31st March, the list of this committee was adopted in the cabinet of M. Talleyrand. It was proposed to include in it, M. Talleyrand as President, and MM. de Dalberg, de Jaucourt, de Montesquiou, and M. de Beurnonville as members. These names will indicate at once that the committee was in factM. de Talleyrand; nevertheless, there was something in its composition to inspire confidence among the various parties. M. Beurnonville was especially acceptable to all opinions; an officer of the ancien régime, a general under the Republic, a friend of Carnot, he offered guarantees to all parties.

The following day, 1st of April, the Senate met in costume at half-past two, when M. Talleyrand addressed them as follows:

[ocr errors]

Senators, The letter that I have had the honor of addressing to you, has informed you of the object of this meeting. It is to lay before you certain propositions; and this step itself will indicate to you the perfect freedom of action which you possess. The circumstances in which you are placed, however grave they may be, cannot be beyond your enlightened patriotism. And you must all have felt the pressing necessity for immediate decision, so as not to allow another day to pass without re-establishing the action of the adappointment of a government, whose authority, ministration, that greatest of all wants, by the conferred u der the exigency of the moment, may re-assure the public,"

[blocks in formation]
« AnteriorContinuar »