Thundered by torrents which no power can hold, And breathed by winds that through the free heaven blow. The lines written on the Banks of the Hudson, must close our extracts: "CooL shades and dews are round my way, And silence of the early day. Midst the dark hills that watch his bed, Unrippled, save by drops that fall From shrubs that fringe his mountain wall; And o'er the clear still water swells The music of the Sabbath bells. All, save this little nook of land, Seems a blue void above, below, Through which the white clouds come and go; And from the green world's farthest steep I gaze into the airy deep. Loveliest of lovely things are they On earth that soonest pass away; Is prized beyond the sculptured flower; River in this sweet hour thou hast And I to seek the crowd of men." The manner in which the work is executed, is highly creditable to our American artists. The engravings, though few in number, are all much above mediocrity. The one of Tell, we think, will not suffer by a comparison with the best specimens of English artists. In the hopes of again seeing Mr. Herbert twelve months hence, we, for the present, take leave of him, with the assurance, that as an annual visiter, many will be prepared to greet him, and give him a welcome proportioned to his merits. NOTE. To the article "Geometry and the Calculus," at the end of the demonstration of Euclid's axiom, (page 133) add,-"The demonstration of Euclid's 12th axiom, will also follow immediately from the axiom which we have laid down, and prop. 28, b. i. of the Elements." The note, page 47, referring to Milton's Areopagitica, has exchanged places with the note, page 48, referring to Lowth's Lecture. SOUTHERN REVIEW. NO. II. MAY, 1828. ART. I.-1. Articles of the Constitution as agreed upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787. 2. The Federalist, a collection of Essays written in favour of the New Constitution. 2 vols. 12mo. New-York. 1788. 3. The Crisis: or Essays on the Usurpations of the Federal Government. Charleston. Miller. 1827. IN government as in science, it is useful often to review its progress, and to revert even to its simplest elements. It will be salutary frequently to ascertain how far society and laws, in their present condition, accord with those which we have been accustomed to consider as their first and purest principles, how far in the lapse of time, they may have deviated from their original form and structure. Even when we recur to inquiries merely speculative, to imaginary "social contracts," to abstract rights, we may often gather instruction, and detect some concealed or neglected truth, applicable to our own times and to our own immediate condition. But when a Government is derived not from fictitious assumptions, not from ancient or obscure sources or traditions, but from actual and specific agreement; when many and various interests have been combined and compromised, and a written covenant has assured to many parties, rights and powers and privileges, it becomes a duty to revise this compact frequently and strictly, that no one entitled to its protection, may be deprived, through inadvertence on the one part, or encroachment on the other, of his vested rights; and, that no changes may be introduced into the compact, but by the actual assent of those who are parties to the covenant. And when in the very compact itself, provision has been made to correct and ameliorate the system, whenever it shall be found imperfect or incompetent to the discharge of its functions, or shall fall behind the spirit of the age, or the progressive improvements of society, it becomes a measure of wisdom as well as justice, to take care that no fundamental changes shall be introduced, but in the manner and under the conditions prescribed and understood by every associated member. The Constitution of the United States was arranged with the most deliberate care, was drawn up with the most scrupulous caution, was examined even with jealous vigilance. Its provisions were supposed to be so clear and explicit, its duties and its powers so well defined and accurately limited, and its language so perspicuous, that no controversy could arise respecting its real meaning, no latent or invisible danger lurk under its simple and guarded phraseology. But in the progress of time, as the provisions of the Constitution have been gradually unfolded, investigated and applied, and their practical operation displayed, many difficulties have occurred. So imperfect, after all, is the most laboured production of man, so inadequate the language he is obliged to employ, that his best efforts often end in disappointment. The most simple expressions are frequently found to convey, when critically analyzed, doubtful meanings; and phrases, which in the common usages of life are obvious and familiar, can be rendered by ingenious glosses and interpretations, ambiguous and obscure. Hence, in the construction of the Constitution, great diversities of opinion have arisen; they occurred at an early period of the administration of the government, they have increased in the importance of their views, and in their possible results, and now threatening to become intermingled with sectional feelings and sectional interests, they may finally endanger, if not terminated by some new compromise in the spirit of our ancient friendship, the peace or permanence of the Union. It is not only on particular facts or questions that these controversies now rest, but on the general doctrines of construction. Disputes have arisen as to the manner in which we should read and interpret the articles of the Constitution itself; on the spirit in which, under the guidance of a sound logic, of philosophic deduction, we should assign to each clause, to each phrase of that important instrument, its real power and value, its extent when collated with analogous expressions, its limits when contrasted with conflicting rights and principles. On the one hand it is contended, that, in expounding a charter so important and extensive as the Constitution of the United |