lately evinced a marked proclivity to the borrowing system, and retorted upon them the charge adduced against himself, of advocating a loan in masquerade." He then adverted to the tenet that he had proposed the income tax out of spleen against the landowners, and argued that in resisting a loan he was really acting as the best friend of the land, which must always remain subject to impositions from which movable classes of property could escape. The right hon. Gentleman disavowed any idea of disparaging the talent of Mr. Pitt, whose name, he said, had been arrayed against the policy of the Government; but his example was quoted only with reference to errors which he had himself confessed and retrieved a few years later; while the Ministry had followed in his footsteps in the better-advised course which he subsequently adopted. Mr. Gladstone concluded by challenging discussion, in intelligible form, of any of the matters that had been raised, adding that the Government came to the House to ask for the means of carrying on the war, and were convinced that the decision would be given with regard to the advantage of the country.

Mr. Baring then briefly replied, and the amendment was negatived by 290 against 186; majority, 104. The Bill was subsequently read a third time and passed.

In the House of Lords the measure met with considerable opposition from Lord Monteagle, who, upon the 13th of June, on the motion for the third reading, stated at length his objections. They were, that it was a loan

Bill; that it gave extraordinary powers to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to buy and sell securities, thereby disturbing the market; that the interest of 4 per cent. was disproportionate to that on Consols and Exchequer bills; that the rise of interest from 11⁄2 to 4 per cent. in a twelvemonth was a danger; that the security itself was distasteful to the public; that the throwing the burden of repayment upon the years 1858, 59, and 60, thus assuming what would be the condition of England at that time, was a gross act of presumption, anticipating the resources of other years. Government, he said, might call it what they pleased, but borrowing money upon security was a loan, and nothing but a loan.

Earl Granville said Lord Monteagle had proceeded on the assumption that such securities were distasteful to the public, whereas experience had shown that the public received them with favour. As to the rise of interest, the war and the bad harvest sufficiently accounted for that, without insinuating that Mr. Gladstone's measures were the cause. Why should it be presumed that there would be any difficulty in providing for Exchequer bonds to the amount of 2,000,000l. a year, when year after year we presumed that we could meet and did meet 16,000,000l. of Exchequer bills in the same way? Instead of adding to the permanent debt, Government had taken a liberal estimate of the expenditure, and had taken means to provide a balance in hand for all contingencies. It was not at all clear that the 6,000,0001, would be all called out, and that the debt might

not be gradually diminished by exchanging it for Exchequer bills before 1858, 59, and 60.

vided for four scales,-for a quality below Brown Clayed, for a quality equal to Brown Clayed

The classification and readjustment of the sugar duties announced in the war budget was stated by Mr. Wilson to the House of Commons on the 10th of May, and agreed to. He said there were then three scales of duties applicable to West India and Colonial sugars,-the common duty of 10s. for the lowest class; 11s. 8d. on sugars of the quality of Brown and White Clayed; and 13s. 4d. for Refined sugars. The Act of 1848 pro

Clayed and below Refined, and lastly, for Refined. These classes had never been applicable to Colonial sugar. It was proposed to fix 12s. as the duty on the great bulk of Yellow and the best qualities of Brown sugar; and a duty of 11s. on the lowest quality of Colonial sugar. The duties would be modified in such a way that each quality of sugar should, as nearly as possible, pay a duty proportional to the amount of saccharine matter that it contained,

dered him in the preparation of the Bill by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He deferred for the present a consideration of the question as to the right of Parliament to interfere with the Universities; and he assumed as sufficiently proved by the evidence -in particular that of Dr. Pusey -that the University of Oxford did not at present fulfil the purposes for which it was established, and that some reform was absolutely needed. The first ground of complaint related to the constitution of the governing body of the University. The heads of houses, being, it was said, elected for other purposes, could not be specially qualified to undertake the superintendence of its studies. The second alteration called for, was the extension of the University, many halls and colleges having in the course of time become extinct. There had been much acute discussion as to the comparative ad-. vantages of the college tutorial and the professorial systems; but it appeared to him that these systems were not necessarily antagonistical. If the education was to be entirely confined to the colleges, the consequence would be, that the tutors would restrict themselves to certain branches of learning and to certain books; on the other hand, the professorial system alone had a tendency to encourage a loose and superficial course of studies, although, at the same time, it was not to be expected that the college tutor could obtain that large and comprehensive view of different sciences which students might acquire from persons in the station of professor. It seemed to him that we had an opportunity, which ought not to be lost, of VOL. XCVI.

combining the advantages of both systems; and that the student, in addition to the college tuition, should enjoy the advantage of acquiring a knowledge of modern science and literature, and of modern tongues, which would be beneficial to others besides those who studied for a profession and cultivated learning as a path to eminence and emolument. Looking at the deficiency in mathematical tuition at Oxford, and to the scanty attendance at present upon the University professors, who did not form an efficient part of the University system of education, he thought there should be a junction of the college and the professorial systems of teaching. Another matter of complaint was the restriction in respect to various honours and emoluments which were the rewards of learning.

Fellowships and scholarships were more restricted now than originally; and witnesses asserted that by these restrictions a very ordinary man was very often preferred to a distinguished one, and many of those fellowships were held for a considerable number of years by persons who ceased to have any connection with Oxford, and contributed nothing to its studies or discipline. In the next place, it appeared to the Government that some portion of the revenues of the richer colleges, not now applied to the purposes of learning or teaching, ought to be so applied. He might be told, he observed, that this would be an interference with the testamentary disposition of property; but no man could deny that it was not only fair, but that it was the right and the duty of Parliament to take care that these great endowments, given for the [0]

promotion of education, should be applied to the purposes intended by the founders. Changes, and very important ones, had been made, not only at the Reformation, but later still, in the endowments set apart for lectures on divinity, the canon law, moral and natural philosophy. What had become of these endowments? Dr. Routh, the venerable president of Magdalen College, had said that the alterations had been made pro ratione temporis. As the object in view was to rectify abuses, not to destroy endowments, why should not other changes be introduced in the same spirit and to the same endthat of adapting endowments to the exigencies of time? If the question was between respect for antiquity and for modern times, he maintained that antiquity was in favour of these changes. Lord John then proceeded to explain the general nature of the Bill. With respect to the government of the University, instead of the Hebdomadal Board, consisting of the ViceChancellor, the heads of houses, and the proctors, it was proposed to create a body of 24 or 25 members, to be called the Hebdomadal Council, to be thus composed: the Vice-Chancellor and the two proctors to be always part of the Council, and the Vice-Chancellor of the preceding year, when not elected a member of the Council, to continue to be a member until the next triennial election. With regard to the other members of the Council, it was proposed that the body called the Congregation should elect six heads of colleges or halls, and that a seventh head should be nominated by the Chancellor of the University;

that six professors should be elected by the Congregation, another appointed by the Chancellor, and another chosen from among the professors of theology, and that six members of Convocation, of not less than five years' standing, should be elected by the Congregation. Of the persons

to be elected out of each of the three classes-heads of houses, professors, and members of Convocation-the three juniors would vacate their seats at the expiration of the third year from their election. This was the constitution of the proposed governing body of the University. It was proposed to abrogate the oaths binding persons not to disclose any matter relating to their college, or to any inquiry appointed by law, and to certain other matters. Another object of the Bill was to give a power of opening private halls, by licence from the Vice-Chancellor. The expense

and extravagance of young men at the University, though a serious evil, he believed could not be corrected by Parliament; but must be prevented, first, by inducing better manners and morals, and secondly, by rules and regulations framed by the authorities of the University. The next subject raised a question which he did not propose to discuss in detail-namely, the preference given by testators to founders' kin, or to certain counties, or to particular schools; the Bill would do away generally with the two former restrictions, and it provided that fellowships should not be held for more than a year, unless the holder should be engaged in the University in tuition or discipline. The power of applying part of the revenues of