ed to officers in the service of the United States, alluded to in that resolution: that resolution does not include the case of the heirs of the Baron de Kalb. On the 26th of January, 1784, Congress resolved" that half-pay cannot be allowed to any officer, or to any class or denomination of officers, to whom it has not been heretofore expressly promised." The resolutions of Congress of the 21st of October, 1780, of the 22d of March, 1783, and of the 8th of March, 1785, allowing half-pay for life, or commutation thereof for five years' full pay, do not include this case of the petitioners. Their claim for five years' pay does not appear to be included in or provided for by any act or resolution of Congress. This committee do further report that evidence has not been adduced to prove that any arrears of pay are due to the Baron de Kalb, and that therefore his heirs, the petitioners, have not any just claim against the United States for any arrears of pay said to be due to their late father, the Baron de Kalb; that the claim of the heirs of the Baron de Kalb to the full pay of five years on account of the services of the Baron to the United States is not bottomed on any act or resolution of Congress, and is therefore inadmissible, and ought not to be allowed. By the report from the Department of the Treasury alluded to, it appears that, on reference to the register of officers of the Revolutionary army returned as entitled to land, the name of the Baron de Kalb is entitled to land, for which application is to be made to the Department of War. This committee, after consideration of this case of the petitioners, and taking into view the circumstances attending it, are of opinion that it does not appear that any arrears of pay are due to the late Baron de Kalb, as intimated by the petitioners in their petition; that it does not appear that the petitioners, heirs of the Baron de Kalb, have any just claim against the United States for five years' pay in consequence of services by him performed to the United States; and therefore submit the following resolution: Resolved, That the prayer of the petitioners, so far as relates to their claim of any arrears of pay supposed to be due to their late father, the Baron de Kalb, and so far as relates to their claim of pay for five years in consequence of services of their late father, the Baron de Kalb, to the United States, be not granted; and that the petitioners have leave to withdraw so much of their said petition as relates to their claim for land as heirs of the Baron de Kalb, so that they may apply to the Department of War for the same. MISSOURI. Mr. ARCHER, of Virginia, moved that the House do now proceed to consider the resolution submitted by him on the 4th instant, in relation to the judicial condition of the Territory of Missouri. On the question being taken, Will the House now consider the said resolution? it was determined in the negative-yeas 66, nays 78, as fol lows: YEAS-Messrs. Abbot, Alexander, Allen of Tennessee, Anderson, Archer of Maryland, Archer of Virginia, Ball, Barbour, Brevard, Brown, Bryan, Burton, Burwell, Butler of Louisiana, Cannon, Cobb, Cocke, Cook, Crawford, Crowell, Culpeper, Cuthbert, Davidson, Earle, Edwards of North Carolina, Fisher, Floyd, Garnett, Gray, Gross of New York, Hooks, Jackson, Johnson, Jones of Virginia, Jones of Tennessee, Kinsey, Little, Lowndes, McCoy, McCreary, McLane of H. OF R. Delaware, McLean of Kentucky, Meigs, Metcalf, T. L. Moore, Neale, Nelson of Virginia, Parker of Virginia, Pinckney, Rankin, Reed, Rhea, Robertson, Settle, Simkins, Smith of New Jersey, Smith of Maryland, A. Smyth of Virginia, Swearingen, Terrell, Trimble, Tucker of Virginia, Walker, Warfield, Williams of Virginia, and Williams of North Carolina-68. NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Allen of Massachusetts, Allen of New York, Baldwin, Bateman, Beecher, Boden, Brush, Buffum, Campbell, Clagett, Clark, Crafts, Cushman, Dane, Darlington, Dennison, Dickinson, Eddy, Edwards of Connecticut, Edwards of Pennsylva nia, Fay, Folger, Foot, Forrest, Fuller, Gorham, Gross of Pennsylvania, Hall of New York, Hardin, Hemphill, Hendricks, Herrick, Hibshman, Hill, Hostetter, Kinsley, Lathrop, Lincoln, Maclay, McCullough, Mallary, Marchand, Monell, R. Moore, S. Moore, Morton, Moseley, Murray, Nelson of Massachusetts, Parker of Mass., Patterson, Philson, Plumer, Rich, Richards, Richmond, Rogers, Ross, Russ, Sergeant, Silsbee, Sloan, Southard, Stevens, Storrs, Street, Strong of Vermont, Strong of New York, Tomlinson, Tracy, Udree, Upham, Van Rensselaer, Wallace, Wendover, Whitman, and Wood-78. The House proceeded to consider the resolution submitted yesterday by Mr. TRIMBLE; and, the same being again read, was agreed to. REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. The House then again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, (Mr. WHITMAN in the chair,) on the bill to reduce the Military Peace Establishment of the United States. Mr. WILLIAMS, in an address of about two hours, concluded the speech which he yesterday commenced, in favor of a reduction of the Army; which speech is given entire in preceding pages. Mr. A. SMYTH, of Virginia, then rose, and moved the following as an amendment to (substitute for) the bill under consideration: Be it enacted, &c., That, from and after the first day of May next, the Military Peace Establishment of the United States shall consist of six thousand noncommissioned officers, musicians, and privates, in such proportions of artillery, light artillery, infantry, and riflemen, as the President of the United States shall direct. And be it further enacted, That the corps of artillery shall consist of one colonel commandant, four lieutenant colonels, four majors, forty captains, eighty lieutenants, and eighty second lieutenants, divided into four battalions, each to consist of ten companies. And be it further enacted, That the regiment of light artillery shall consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, one major, ten captains, ten lieutenants, ten second lieutenants, divided into two battalions, each to consist of five companies. And be it further enacted, That the regiment of riflemen shall consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, one major, ten captains, ten lieutenants, ten second lieutenants, divided into two battalions, each of five companies. And be it further enacted, That the corps of infantry shall consist of eight colonels, eight lieutenant colonels, eight majors, eighty captains, eighty first lieutenants, eighty second lieutenants, divided into eight regiments, each to consist of ten companies. And be it further enacted, That there shall be retained in service three brigadier generals, each of whom shall be allowed an aid-de-camp, to be taken from the subalterns of the line. And be it further enacted, That there shall be a department of order and inspection, to consist of one adjutant and inspector general, who shall have the pay, rank, and emoluments of a colonel of cavalry, as heretofore established, and of three assistant adjutants and inspectors general. And be it further enacted, That the Quartermaster's Department shall consist of a quartermaster general, with the rank, pay, and emoluments of a brigadier general, two deputy quartermasters general, and sixteen assistant deputy quartermasters general. The paymaster's department shall consist of one paymaster general, and nineteen paymasters. The purchasing department shall consist of a commissary general of purchases, with a salary of two thousand dollars per annum; and one assistant commissary general of purchases, whose compensation shall not exceed two and a half per centum on the public moneys disbursed by him, nor the sum of fifteen hundred dollars per annum, and two military storekeepers. The Subsistence Department shall consist of a commissary general with as many assistants as the service may require, to be taken from the subalterns of the line. The Medical Department shall consist of one surgeon general, one apothecary general, twenty-five surgeons, and fortyfour assistant surgeons, the latter to have the pay and emoluments heretofore allowed to surgeons' mates. And be it further enacted, That the corps of engineers shall be retained in service, and shall consist of one colonel, one assistant engineer, one lieutenant colonel, two majors, six captains, six lieutenants, and six second lieutenants; that one-half of the officers of the corps of ordnance, and one-half of the topographical engineers and their assistants, shall be retained in service. And be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed a judge advocate general, who shall have the pay, rank, and emoluments of a colonel of infantry, who shall keep an office in the city of Washington; and, in addition to the duties which may be assigned to him by the President of the United States, he shall keep a record of all trials by general courts martial, and report the decisions, an abridgement of which shall be published from time to time, as the President shall direct. And be it further enacted, That all officers of the Army, whose continuance in service is not provided for by this act, shall be discharged from the service of the United States; and that, to each commissioned officer who shall be discharged by virtue of this act, there shall be paid, in addition to the pay and emoluments to which he shall be entitled at the time of his discharge, three months' pay. On motion of Mr. CUTHBERT, the Committee then rose. WEDNESDAY, January 10. Mr. ANDERSON, from the Committee on the Public Lands, made a report on the petition of James McFarland, Hampton Pankey, and William Frizell, accompanied with a bill for the relief of the said James McFarland; which was read twice, and referred to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, from the JANUARY, 1821. Committee of Claims, made a report on the petition of Pierre Denis De La Rondé, accompanied with a bill for his relief; which was read twice, and committed. Mr. WILLIAMS, from the same committee, to which was referred the bill from the Senate, entitled "An act for the relief of the officers and volSeminole Indians," made a report thereon, recomunteers engaged in the late campaign against the mending that the said bill be postponed indefinitely; and the bill and report were committed to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. STORRS, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, reported a bill for the promotion of internal improvements in the United States; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow. The bill is as follows: Be it enacted, &c., That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to convey to any State or States which shall provide by law for the laying out and completion of any canal or canals within such State or States, such part of the public lands of the United States which shall be occupied by the route of any such canal or canals, and the necessary towing paths, ditches, aqueducts, locks, culverts, feeders, dams, waste weirs, or other works con nected therewith: Provided, That the plan or plans of every such canal, and the works connected therewith, with its route, and an estimate and survey of such lands through which the same shall pass, shall, before the construction of the same through such lands shall be commenced, be laid before the President of the United States for his approbation, and no conveyance of any such lands shall be made until such proposed canal or canals be entirely completed and navigable for boats. The SPEAKER laid before the House the following communications, viz: A letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a list of American seamen registered in the several ports of the United States for the three first quarters of the year 1820; which was ordered to lie on the table. A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a report of the register of the land office for the district of Edwardsville, upon the claims exhibited under the act of the 15th of May, 1820, for the relief of the inhabitants of the village of Peoria, in the State of Illinois; which letter and report were referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. A letter from the Secretary of the Navy, accompanied with the annual statements in relation to the Navy pension fund; which was ordered to lie on the table. A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a statement of the amount of drawback on merchandise exported from the United States during the years 1817, 1818, and 1819, compared with the amount of duties which accrued on the same respectively; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table. A letter from the Secretary of the Navy, transmitting a statement of the expenditure and application of the moneys drawn from the Treasury on account of the Navy, for the year ending on the 30th September, 1820, and of the unexpended balances of former appropriations remaining in the Treasury on the 1st October, 1820; which letter and statement were ordered to lie on the table. On motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, the Speaker of this House was requested to inform the Executive of the State of New Jersey of the death of JOHN LINN, late one of the Representatives from said State. H. OF R. The resolve was agreed to without a division, though not without dissentient voices. MISSOURI. Mr. ARCHER, of Virginia, then moved that the House proceed to the consideration of the resolution moved by him, directing the Judiciary Committee to report certain facts with regard to the present condition of Missouri, and their opinion of what legislative measures may be necessary in And the question being taken by yeas and nays, on proceeding to the consideration thereof, it was decided in the negative-yeas 65, nays 85, as fol On motion of Mr. COBB, the Committee on Naval Affairs were instructed to inquire into the ex-regard thereto. pediency of making an appropriation for making an experiment of a machine (a model whereof is now in the office of the Commissioners of the Navy Board) for raising ships of war from the water, and placing them under cover, for repair or pro-derson, Archer of Maryland, Archer of Virginia, Ball, tection. On motion of Mr. MEIGS, the House proceeded to the consideration of the report of the Committee of Claims, on the petition of Thomas Staniford, late a paymaster in the Army of the United States, praying equitable allowance for certain payments, the vouchers for which were lost by fire in New York; which report recommends that the prayer of the petitioner be rejected. The reading of the papers was going on, when, on motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, the report was referred to a Committee of the Whole. lows: YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Allen of Tennessee, An Burton, Burwell, Butler of Louisiana, Cannon, Cobb, A message from the Senate informed the House ble, Tucker of Virginia, Walker, Williams of Virgithat the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "Annia, and Williams of North Carolina. act to incorporate the Columbian College in the District of Columbia;" in which they ask the concurrence of this House. NATS-Messrs. Abbot, Adams, Allen of Massachu setts, Allen of New York, Baldwin, Bateman, Beecher, Boden, Brush, Buffum, Butler of New Hampshire, Campbell, Clagett, Clark, Crafts, Cushman, Dane, Darlington, Dennison, Dickinson, Eddy, Edwards of Connecticut, Edwards of Pennsylvania, Eustis, Fay, Folger, Foot, Fuller, Gorham, Gross of Pennsylvania, On motion of Mr. GROSS, of New York, the House proceeded to the consideration of the resolution submitted by him a few days ago, the object of which is to request information from the Presi-Guyon, Hall of New York, Hall of Delaware, Hardin, dent whether any negotiations have been made by Hemphill, Hendricks, Herrick, Hill, Hobart, Hostetter, commissioners of the United States with the Six Kendall, Kinsley, Lathrop, Lincoln, Livermore, MaNations of Indians in the State of New York, &c. clay, McCullough, Mallary, Marchand, Monell, R. Some conversation took place on the subject of Moore, S. Moore, Morton, Moseley, Murray, Parker this motion, between Messrs. STORRS and GROSS. of Massachusetts, Patterson, Philson, Pitcher, Plumer, The former of these gentlemen considered the Rankin, Rich, Richards, Richmond, Rogers, Ross, Russ, inquiry as unnecessary; the facts being, as he was Sawyer, Sergeant, Silsbee, Sloan, Southard, Stevens, informed, that the United States had no land in Storrs, Street, Strong of Vermont, Strong of New that State to which the Indian title was unextin-York, Tomlinson, Tracy, Udree, Van Rensselaer, Walguished; that, however, certain individuals had lace, Wendover, Whitman, and Wood. claims on such lands, under pre-emption rights granted by the State of Massachusetts; that, to extinguish the Indian title, the Executive had been requested to authorize commissioners to treat with the Indians a request which could not reasonably be refused, and the expenses of those commissioners, and all other expenses attending the transaction, had been paid by the individuals claiming the land, &c. To this Mr. Gross replied, that if the gentleman had a knowledge of all the circumstances of this transaction, and there was no possibility of his being mistaken, why then, indeed, there would be no occasion for the passage of the resolution. But, as certainty with regard to the facts was the object of this resolution, the answer to which he presumed would furnish it in an official manner, he hoped it would be agreed to. 16th CoN. 2d SESS.-26 REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. The House then having again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for reducing the Military Peace Establishment Mr. CUTHBERT, of Georgia, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman, one of the greatest faults of our Government, the best that has ever been framed by the wisdom of man, is its tendency to pursue an unsteady and changeable policy. The causes which produce this defect, at the same time form one of the strong defences of our liberty; and while enjoying the advantage which springs from them, we should guard against the danger to which they expose us. The constant succession of different men to fill the chief offices of Government, especially the incessant changes of this assembly, which springs every two years immediately from the bosom of the people, preserves us from H. OF R. Reduction of the Army. JANUARY, 1821. the danger of a long continuance of unwise or corrupt measures; but the same changes subject us too much to the influence of momentary causes. There is reason to apprehend, that, forgetful of the past, and blind to the future, we shall limit our view to the circumstances of the present year. Believing that the anxiety now manifested for the reduction of the Army, has been excited by this contracted view, and that it is not justified either by the experience of the past, or the probabilities of the future, I am opposed to the passage of the bill on the table. In deciding upon it, the answer to two questions should govern us: Is the Military Establishment proposed in this bill, sufficiently large for the wants of our country? If not, are the resources of our country, not for one The gentleman from North Carolina says, that or for two years, but for a series of years, its aver- the maintenance of a standing army during peace age resources, adequate to the support of a larger is contrary to the spirit of the Constitution; and, establishment than that proposed in this bill? I to support his position, he quotes the naked, abbelieve that the Army might, with propriety, suf-stract proposition, that "standing armies are danfer some partial reduction; I see no need of re- gerous to liberty," not from the Constitution, but taining as many general officers as we now have; from certain declarations of rights. The framers and it probably has excrescences elsewhere which of the Constitution felt the force of this truth, and might be lopped off without injury to the coun- they knew, with equal certainty, that standing try; but the proposed reduction I think danger- armies are sometimes necessary for the defence of ous, and not required by the state of our finances. liberty. Differing in my opinions from the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. WILLIAMS,) I shall be constrained to take some liberties with his remarks which I hope he will pardon, as I shall do it with no unfriendly feeling. He is much offended at the late report of the Secretary of War, submitted in compliance with a resolution of this House. It is not my part at present to defend that report; and you will recollect that the Secretary does not think that the Army ought to be reduced; and that, in his report he only recommends that organization which he deems proper for a peace establishment of six thousand men. However, I will express my opinion, that the gentleman from North Carolina has not refuted the argument of the Secretary. What is that argument? That your Military Peace Establishment should be so organized as to form a preparation for a state of wa.. This principle is denied, in words by the gentleman from North Carolina, but it is admitted by his reasonings and conclusions, as I shall attempt to show in the course of my remarks. are reduced to extreme want and misery. Does he design this for a portrait of our Government? Of a Government which sits so lightly on the people, which imposes not one tax, and which leaves to every citizen the entire control of his labor, and the free enjoyment of its profits? You cannot trace the likeness in a single feature: it is a perfect contrast. If he did not design it as a portrait of our Government, why did he insinuate its resemblance, and use this insinuation as an argument for the proposed reduction of our expenditures? Is he willing that his remarks should cross the Atlantic, and be quoted in foreign countries, as conveying a correct description of the character of our Government? In the progress of this discussion, our Government has been accused of an extravagant and wasteful expenditure of public money. I think this charge entirely unjust; and it is impossible that it can be intended by any gentleman to be applied to the present Secretary of the War Department. Under his control, that Department has been administered with a responsibility, an economy, a wisdom, which challenge a comparison with its administration at any former period. The gentleman from North Carolina has drawn the picture of a wise and virtuous Government, under which the people are protected in their rights and enjoy the fruit of their industry. He has drawn, in like manner, the picture of an extravagant, rapacious, and oppressive Government, under whose tyranny the rights of the people are contemned, and by whose excessive burdens they To prohibit the use of this formidable but necessary instrument, would have been madness in them; and to guard against its abuse, they employed, not abstract propositions, but positive enactments. Of this character is that clause of the Constitution which prohibits the raising of armies without the consent of this House, the immediate representatives of the people, and the guardians of their liberty and that clause which requires that bills, appropriating money, without which an army cannot be maintained, must originate in the same popular branch of the Legislature; and that clause which, distrusting the discretion even of the representatives of the people, forbids that any appropriation for that purpose shall be for more than two years. Then, maintenance of a standing army, within proper limits, is opposed neither by the letter nor the spirit of the Constitution; and is consistent with the practical exposition given to it by that gentleman himself. He fears that the subordination necessary in an army will be dangerous to liberty; he dreads the contagious example of a soldier returning to the walks of civil life, with habits of degrading subjection to authority. And does he really dread the influence of a few individuals, for the most part ignorant and obscure, over a population of twelve or fourteen millions, spread over vast regions? You may mingle with large societies; you may pass over extensive sections of country, and not see one man who has belonged to the regular army; and does he really believe that a cause, thus trivial and limited, will be found sufficient to undermine the love of liberty, so firmly fixed in the American character? He has expressed his fear of the physical strength of the army. Will he, on reflection, believe that an army of ten thousand men can enslave the American people? Will he say that he believes this possible? Truly the fears of that gentleman JANUARY, 1821. Reduction of the Army. H. or R. under a more popular and virtuous government, impelled by all the energies of a free people, would it not be more formidable than at any former period? are entirely visionary; it is idle to combat them. As if conscious that the arguments which have been employed, are not sufficient to justify the proposed reduction of the army, the gentlemen who urge it have endeavored to sustain their policy War is not certain; it may be improbable; but by the authority of Mr. Jefferson's name. If the even folly may shun dangers which openly mereputation of this enlightened and virtuous states-nace it, and it is the part of prudence to guard man, so dear to the American people, shall be in- against those dangers which are more remote and jured, the fault will be attributable to the impru-less obvious. A wise statesman, prepared for every dence of those men who drag in his name to sup- contingency, will not carry his plans of economy port a system of measures which cannot be sus- so far as to leave his country exposed to the hazards tained by their own merits. Has the Congress of an unequal contest, to the losses of treasure, of of the United States withdrawn itself from the honor, and of men, which she must suffer if drawn guidance of reason, and surrendered its rights to into a war for which she is unprovided. To a the empire of authority? We ask not what certain extent, the advocates of the bill agree to name sanctions, but what reason justifies any mea- this proposition; they all acknowledge that we sure which is proposed? If we believe it to be wise ought to have garrisons of regular soldiers in our and salutary, we adopt it without caring by whom fortresses. During the last war, when the fleets it is recommended. If we believe it to be inexpe- of the enemy occupied our harbors, and threatened dient or improper, the authority of no name, how- our wealthy cities, when, for the want of adequate ever high, is sufficient to remove our objections to it. fortifications, we were constrained to call to their Then, why introduce into our discussions a name defence great numbers of militia, exposing them which is not needed in aid of a wise, and which to the fatal ravages of a sickly climate, to which cannot justify an unwise, policy? While censur- they were not inured, every one felt the necessity ing such a course of argument, I also deny that of erecting strong fortresses in situations proper they have the authority of Mr. Jefferson for the re- for the defence of these harbors and cities. With duction of the army, which is now under consid- universal approbation, this plan was adopted; eration. Will any one venture to say, that after many of these works are now completed, and others a lapse of twenty years, during which the resources are in progress. If we have fortresses, it is necesof our country have greatly increased, and during sary to garrison them with men who know how which it has acquired much experience, both in to defend them. Nations about to engage in hospeace and in war, the mind of that great man tilities are not restrained by a punctilious sense of alone remaining stationary, he would, under so justice. Should we, omitting this precaution, have great a change of circumstances, now pursue, in a dispute with a nation disposed to engage in war all respects, the same policy which he observed in with us, it might determine to anticipate us, to 1801? Is any one authorized to say, that Mr. Jef-strike the first blow, to seize our empty fortresses. ferso entertains the same opinion of the administration of Mr. Monroe, which he entertained of the administration of his own predecessor? that it is wasteful, extravagant, and inclining to monarchy? that it everywhere needs retrenchment and reform? No sir; even that authority fails them on which they have sought to lean. The supporters of this bill think that we shall not be engaged in war for many years, and that it is unnecessary to prepare for an event which is not expected. If those gentlemen could give us an assurance that we shall not be drawn into war in less than ten or fifteen years, their policy might be safe. But, with Spanish provinces on our southwest, with English provinces on our north, with Russia erecting strong military works on our northwest, with our commerce floating on every sea, they know that we are in constant danger of collisions, which may terminate in war. Most of our military preparations look to a state of war with England; and the present internal condition of that country should not lull us into security. It is well known that the people of Great Britain participate with their Government, in their hatred of the American Republic, and is it not possible that a dexterous ministry, availing themselves of this national feeling, may attempt, by the excitements of an American war, to divert those passions which now threaten them with destruction? Or, may not that country be revolutionized? And, Remember the attack on Copenhagen! What |