FOREIGN HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE.

Opening of the French Chambers-Speech of the Emperor-Circular of the Minister of the Interior about Public Meetings-Policy of France with regard to Rome and Mexico-Finance Budget-Addresses of the Corps Législatif and Senate-Answers of the Emperor-Policy of France in the impending conflict between Austria, Prussia, and Italy-Speech of the Emperor at Auxerre-Abortive attempts to summon a Conference at Paris-Letter from the Emperor on the prospect of War in Germany-Senatus-Consultum with respect to the Constitution-Speech of M. Ronher in supporting it-Claim of France to an extension of frontier-Manifesto of the French Government on the results of the war in Germany-Withdrawal of the French garrison from Rome-Resignation of M. Drouyn de Lhuys as Foreign Minister-Reply of the Pope to the parting address of the French Commandant at Rome-Report of M. Fould on the finances of France.

NOTHING Occurred during the present year to disturb the tranquillity of France. She remained at peace with all her neighbours, and the efforts of the French Emperor were directed, but unhappily in vain, to preserve peace in Europe. The war in which Germany and Italy were involved seemed likely to draw into its vortex the other great Powers, but the growing disinclination of the French nation to incur the burdens which a passion for military glory necessarily imposes, rendered it a comparatively easy task for Napoleon III. to stand aloof from the quarrel, and the other Continental States were wise enough to take no part in the conflict.

The Session of the French Chambers was opened by the Emperor on the 22nd of January, and he delivered the following speech:

"MESSIEURS LES SÉNATEURS,

"MESSIEURS LES DÉPUTÉS,

"The opening of the Legislative Session enables me periodically to lay before you the situation of the Empire, and to express to you my views. As in previous years, I will examine with you the principal questions which interest our country. Abroad, peace

seems everywhere assured, for everywhere there is a desire to seek the means of solving difficulties amicably, instead of cutting them by the sword. The re-union of the English and French fleets in the same ports, has shown that the relations formed on fields of battle have not been weakened-that time has only cemented the good understanding of the two countries. With regard to Germany, my intention is to continue to observe a policy of neutrality which, without preventing us occasionally feeling regret or pleasure, nevertheless leaves us strangers to questions in which.our interests are not directly engaged.

Italy, recognized by nearly all the European Powers, has asserted her unity by inaugurating her capital in the centre of the peninsula. We have reason to rely upon the scrupulous execution of the Treaty of the 15th of September, and upon the indispensable maintenance of the power of the Holy Father.

The bonds which attach us to Spain and to Portugal have been further strengthened by my late interviews with the Sovereigns of those two kingdoms.

You have shared with me the general indignation which was produced by the assassination of President Lincoln; and recently, the death of the King of the Belgians has caused universal regrets.

In Mexico, the Government founded by the will of the people is becoming consolidated. The malcontents, vanquished and dispersed, have no longer any chief. The national troops have shown valour, and the country has found guarantees of order and security, which have developed its resources and raised its commerce with France alone from 21 millions to 77 millions. Thus, as I expressed last year the hope, the expedition approaches its termination. I am arranging with the Emperor Maximilian to fix the time for the recall of our troops, in order that their return may be effected without compromising the French interests which we went to defend in that distant country.

The Northern parts of America having emerged victorious from a terrible conflict, have re-established the ancient Union, and have solemnly proclaimed the abolition of slavery. France, which forgets no noble page of her history, sincerely prays for the prosperity of the great American Republic, and for the maintenance of the friendly relations which will soon have reached their centenary. The uneasiness produced in the United States by the presence of our army on Mexican soil will be appeased by the frankness of our declarations. The American people will comprehend that our expedition, in which we invited them to take a part, was not opposed to their interests. Two nations equally jealous of their independence ought to avoid any step which would implicate their dignity and their honour.

At home, the tranquillity which has prevailed has enabled me to visit Algeria, where my presence, I hope, will not have been unavailing to secure interests, and to produce harmony among the

races. My absence from France has moreover proved that I could be replaced by a firm heart and an elevated mind. It is in the midst of populations satisfied and confiding that our institutions are working. The municipal elections have taken place with the utmost order and the most entire liberty. The Maire being in the commune the representative of the central powers, the Constitution has conferred upon me the right of selecting those officers from all the citizens, but the election of intelligent and devoted men has enabled me, in nearly all cases, to choose the Maire from among the members of the municipal councils. The law on coalitions which had given rise to some apprehensions, has been put in force with great impartiality by the Government and with moderation on the part of those interested. The working class, so intelligent, has comprehended that the greater the facilities which are given to it to discuss its interests, the more it is bound to respect the liberty of each and the security of all. The inquiry into co-operative societies has resulted in showing how just were the bases of the law which has been presented to you on this important subject. That law will permit the establishment of numerous associations to the advantage of labour and prudence. To encourage their development I have decided that the permission to combine shall be granted to all those who, apart from politics, desire to deliberate on their industrial interests as men of business. This permission will only be limited by the guarantees which public order requires.

"The state of our finances will show you that while the receipts continue their progressive increase, the expenditure has a tendency to diminish. In the new budget the accidental or extraordinary resources have been replaced by normal and permanent resources. The law upon the sinking fund, which will be submitted to you, shows the institution of a certain revenue and offers fresh securities to the creditors of the State. The equilibrium of the Budget is assured by an excess of receipts. In order to arrive at this result savings have had to be effected in the greater part of the public services, and among others, in the War Department. The army being on a peace footing there were but the alternatives of reducing the cadres or the effectives. This last measure was impracticable, for the regiments scarcely reckoned the necessary number of soldiers. The good of the service counselled even an augmentation. By suppressing the skeletons (cadres) of 220 companies, 46 squadrons, and 40 batteries, but at the same time turning over the soldiers to the companies and squadrons still kept on foot, we have rather strengthened than weakened our regiments. The natural guardian of the interests of the ariny, I should not have consented to those reductions if they had been likely to impair our military organization, or to deprive of the means of existence those whose services and devotion I have had an opportunity of appreciating. The maintenance hereafter of all officers without troops compromises no future; and the admis

sion into administrative careers of officers and sub-officers who are approaching the period when they would be entitled to retire on half-pay, will soon restore the regular movement of promotion. All interests will thus be secured and the country will not have shown herself ungrateful towards those who shed their blood for her.

"The Budget of Public Works, and that of Public Instruction, have not undergone any diminution. It was desirable to preserve to the great enterprises of the State their fruitful activity, and to maintain the energetic impulse of public instruction. In the space of a few months, thanks to the devotedness of the schoolmasters, 13,000 new classes for adults have been opened in the communes of the Empire.

"Agriculture has made great progress since 1852. At this moment it is suffering from a depreciation of price in respect of cereals. This depreciation is the inevitable consequence of the extreme abundance of the harvests, and is not the result of the abolition of the sliding scale. Economic changes develope the general prosperity, but they cannot prevent partial hardships. I have considered that it would be useful to institute inquiry into the state and into the wants of agriculture. That inquiry will, I am convinced, confirm the principles of commercial liberty, and will facilitate the study of the proper means either of relieving local suffering or of realizing further progress. The extent of our international transactions has not been diminished, and the general commerce, which last year was upwards of seven milliards, has increased by seven hundred millions. In the midst of this constantly increasing prosperity, some uneasy minds, under the pretext of hastening the liberal progress of the Government, have sought to impede that progress by depriving it of all force and all initiative. They lay hold of a word borrowed by me from the Emperor Napoleon I. and confound instability with progress. The Emperor, in declaring the necessity for the progressive improvement of human institutions, meant that the only lasting changes were those which are the work of time, brought about by the improvement of public manners. Those improvements flow from the moderation of passions, and not from unseasonable modifications of our fundamental laws. What advantage would there be in resuming on one day that which we had rejected the day before? The Constitution of 1852, submitted to the acceptance of the people, has undertaken to found a system reasonable and wisely based upon a just equilibrium of the different powers of the State. It keeps at an equal distance from two extreme situations. With one Chamber holding within itself the fate of Ministers, the Executive is without authority and without spirit. Again, it is without control if the Elective Chamber is not independent and in possession of legitimate prerogatives. Our constitutional forms, which have a certain analogy with those of the United States, are not defective simply because they differ from those of England. Each people should

have institutions which are conformable to its genius and to its traditions. It is true that every Government has its defects; but in glancing over the past, I am rejoiced, at the end of fourteen years, to find France respected abroad and tranquil at home, without political captives in her prisons, without exiles beyond her frontiers. The nation has during eighty years sufficiently discussed theories of government. Is it not now more useful to seek practical means for improving the moral and material condition of the people? Let us then employ ourselves in spreading abroad sound economical doctrines-the love of good and religious principles. Let us seek to resolve, by the freedom of transactions, the difficult problem of the just distribution of productive forces; and let us endeavour to improve the conditions of labour in our fields. and in our workshops. When all Frenchmen, now invested with political rights, shall have been enlightened by education, they will discern the truth without difficulty, and will not allow themselves to be seduced by deceptive theories; when all those who live by their daily toil shall be convinced of the increasing benefits which are procured by assiduous labour, they will be the firm supporters of a society which ensures their well being and their dignity. Finally, when all shall have received from their childhood those principles of faith and morality which elevate man in his own eyes, they will know that above all human intelligence, above the efforts of science and of reason, there exists a Supreme Will which regulates the destinies of individuals, as it does those of nations.'

With reference to the paragraph in the Emperor's Speech about public meetings, the Minister of the Interior, M. Lavalette addressed a circular to the Prefects of Departments, in which he said:

"The Emperor, in his Speech at the opening of the Legislative Session, said, 'I have decided that the authorization to meet shall be accorded to all who, apart from politics, shall wish to deliberate on their manufacturing or commercial interests. That faculty shall be limited only by the guarantees required for public order.' When applied to for permission, you will have only to inquire into the reality of the object of the meeting, and as to the danger to public order and tranquillity which the assembly may cause. If the purpose is not political, and the meeting is not of a nature to provoke disorder, your duty will be to grant the authorization. In case you should feel any hesitation as to the decision to be come to, you may refer to me. It is essential that the administrative jurisprudence on those delicate questions should be uniform throughout France. The Emperor desires, in authorizing those meetings, to facilitate the settlement of economic relations between masters and workmen, and to favour the development of the industrial and commercial interests of the country."

The intended withdrawal of the French garrison from Rome was thus alluded to in the official report of the state of the Empire