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femblies, would have quite different effects. In St. Vincent's, in particular, the wifh of the Governor and Council was much in favour of the negrocs. Were the meafure now moved for ever to take effect, he wifhed it to be preceded by humane laws in the colonics, in favour of the negroes, fo that the vote of abolition might afterwards become a matter of no serious confequence.

The happy ftate of the negroes, arifing from their emancipation in Guadaloupe, has been mentioned, and it has been ftated, if fuch a measure were purfued in our colonies, how much less we fhould have to fear in a ftate of war. But he had been told by Mr. Cooper, a Gentleman who was a prifoner at Guadaloupe, that when the negroes were emancipated, and told they must be foildiers, and give their labour to the State, that many of them refufed emancipation on fuch con ditions. For his own part, he owed much of his property in the West Indies to his faithful negroes. With refpect to St. Vincent's, he muft inform the Houfe, that on the Charib lands which became lately vacant by their removal, was already formed a fet of new Charibs; a circumftance this, which he thought well deferving the attention of Administration. With refpect to the queftion, at which time fhould the Slave Trade be abolished? He, for one, wifhed not to act the part of a butcher, but of a skilful furgeon. He hoped that not 240 years, nor 40 years, nor even ten would elapfe, before measures would be taken in a prudent and gradual manner to prevent diftrefs to the negroes, and ruin to the British property there, as well as a series of mifchief in the Islands. His opinion-and advice was, that the British Legiflature fhould wait a few years in order to fee whether the meafures now adopting in the West Indies Iflands produced the defired effect.

Mr. W. Smith contended, that the Weft India proprietors and planters had fufficient warning of the event of abolition, in the different proceedings of the Houfe upon the fubject within the last ten years; particularly in thofe of the year 1792, when it was refolved, that the trade fhould ceafe on the 1st of January, 1796, and ftill more fo, when, by a very large majority of the Houfe, the gradual abolition of it was voted in the fame year. He entered into fome details of evidence, to prove, that the difproportion of the fexes was by no means fo much as infifted on by Gentlemen of the other fide. By thefe it appeared, that, fo far from there being only three females to five males, the difproportion, even in the years 1789 and 1790, was rather lefs than fifteen to fourteen. The importation was greater fince thofé periods, beyond all former example, and fufficient, not onl to fupply the British Islands, but for large re-exportations

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to various foreign colonies, and in thofe, if the proprietors were fo inclined, they had an opportunity of felecting the women (a laugh). Mr. Smith obferved, he certainly could mean nothing ludicrous on fo important and folemn a fubject: he was aware of its being fuch a one, and of too fhocking a complexion to be mixed with any thing like levity. Much trefs had been laid upon the argument of its being the intereft of the planter to render the condition of the flaves as comfortable as poffible, and two Colonial Gentlemen had depofed to that effect; but their afrtions were directly contradicted by the Refolutions of the Affembly of one of thefe Iflands (St. Chriftopher's), by which it appeared, that too little attention was paid either to the food or clothing of thefe unhappy creatures. He contended, that the fhocking accounts given of these parts of Africa, where the traffic prevailed, were frictly true, and in nowife controverted by the accounts given by a late traveller (Mr. Parke). The Slave Trade, he faid, extended to many parts of the coast of Africa, even to the fhores of the red fea, and on fome of the iflands near the fouth-eastern coaft, as was proved from the accounts given by the late Sir W. Jones, of his voyage to India. With refpect to what had been thrown out, as to the difficulties of making arrangements on the part of the planters, and the expectation of compenfation, he would not then expatiate. He would only fay, it was incumbent upon the House to do their duty, in the first inftance, by abolishing the Trade. We were told, that we were involved in a war for the prefervation of focial order, and every thing that was dear to us in the world. Ifio, he trusted we fhould not continue from day to day to violate the focial order and rights of other countries. While we pretended to be carrying on war for the prefervation of religion and morality, we were in fact acting in direct violation of both; but, above all, we were the more culpable, at a time when we were publicly called on to amend our lives and manners. Do not, he faid, let us fo difguife our own understandings, as to fuppofe fuch conduct is acceptable in the fight of God. Do not let us fuppofe, that our fafts, or our denials of indulgencies, would gain over the Deity, while we continued to tranfgrefs his laws wilfully with the facts before our eyes, and admitted on all hands. Do not let us mock the Majefty of Heaven by fuch petty obfervances, while we were carrying on a system fo repugnant to its dictates. He concluded, by warmly approving the motion.

Mr. Henniker Major faid, that, from the ftate of Africa, there would be negroes to be fold-and if fo, could they be fold to a more humanised people, or be any where better treated than by us? He was against the motion.

Mr.

Mr. Ellis obferved, that, thofe at prefent interested in the traffic, had no objection to restrictions upon it. Refpecting the idea, however, that the population could be kept up, fo as to render farther importation unneceffary, he had his doubts of the experiment, and was certain, that a deficit would shortly be found. Regulations were wifhed for, which would confine the trade into comparatively narrow limits to its prefent fcale, and of fuch a nature as he thought could not be objected to. The principle of compenfation had been adverted to in the courfe of the debate; and he thought fomething to that effect was promifed, or offered, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He thought fuch a principle was founded in justice, though, in his individual cafe, as a proprietor of uncultivated lands, he might not choose to claim it, the regulation of that concern should lie with the Colonial Legiflatures. It was not his intention to enter upon the merits of the general queftion before the Houfe; but he could not help obfervin; fome inconfiftency in the conduct of Gentlemen on that night, compared to the part they took refpecting the addrefs on this fubject last year. The procceding of Parliament, with refpect to the planters, favoured both of conciliation and feverity. He thought, in the prefent inftance, there was too much precipitation in bringing on the queftion. Gentlemen fhould have waited until the Legiflatures of the islands affembled, when their intentions refpecting he bu finefs could be ascertained. On the morality and justice of the traffic, he believed, there was little difference of opinion obtained; the contending parties differed only as to the means of abolishing it in the most unexceptionable way. He thought that to attain the end propofed, conciliation would be better than fe verity; and, conceiving that Colonial Regulations would be more effectua', he fhould oppofe the motion.

Mr. Fox then rofe, and spoke in fubftance as follows :-" After the repeated difcuffions which this fubject has undergone, I do not rife to detain you long with any tedious inquiry into the principles by which the question ought to be decided. I fhall take the liberty, however, to make a few remarks upon the fentiments which have been expreffed in the courfe of the debate, by thofe who have oppofed the prefent motion. The Gentlemen upon the other fide are extremely anxious to have it underftood that there is but one opinion of the cruelty, the inhuma nity, the injuftice, and the immorality of the Slave Trade, and that the only difference between us is, what is the best mode to abandon the ways of guilt and iniquity in which we have been involved, and to return to the paths of juftice and of right. Now, Sir, it might have been expected that, to thofe who feel as I do upon this fubject, it would have been a fatisfaction to

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know, that though the mode which we recommend is not approved, the principle itfelf is fully recognized. I confefs, however, that my feelings are not thofe of fatisfaction. My feelings, Sir, are thofe of deep humiliation. To me it is matter

of shame and of lamentation, that we fhould be fo dead to every fenfe of dignity; that the country fhould be fo degenerate from every fenfe of virtue, fo funk in hypocrify, that notwithstanding we are fo loud in founding our deteftation of the practice, however convinced of the enormity of the wickedness, we have not yet abandoned that courfe which we fo unanimoufly condemn. We are agreed then upon the principle of the meafure now propofed; ten years have elapfed fince the atrocity of this detefted traffic has been admitted. A British Parliament has been fully acquainted with the guilt and the reproach with which the nation has been loaded; not two opinions exist upon the fubject, and yet in all that time not a single step is taken till last year to remove the caufe, and then all that is done is by way of recommendation to facilitate fome points of regulation without any eeffation of the immorality. If any foreigner were defirous to difcover a fubject of invective against this country like thofe invectives which we have in this House sometimes heard pronounced against other countries, what topics of accufation could he with for more fubftantial; what articles of charge more relevant, than this fimple fact, that for ten years recognizing the injuftice of our conduct, and the enormity of the wickedness to which we are parties, we have perfevered in it against our avowed conviction and our open profeffions?

"But while they declare their difapprobation of the practice in words, fome of those who oppofe the motion feem by their arguments to confider it in a lefs culpable point of view. We are told that favage nations go to war with each other; that their prifoners are brought to market, and that, as they are to be fold, it would be inhumanity not to purchafe. As the mifchief is done, fay they, why may not we derive fome advantage from it? If a paffenger is to be robbed, why may not we be the first to plunder him? May we not confcientioufly put the money in our pockets? We thall make the booty with lefs thew of infult, of menace, or of cruelty, than ufually accompany fuch crimes. We may, therefore, plead confiderable merit. We have not done all the ill which we might have done, or which others in our fituation would have done. Such are the arguments by which one of the greatest wickedneffes by which a nation was ever difgraced, is palliated. They are mere favages it feems; their princes either cut their throats or gratify their avarice by fending them to market. We are then asked, is it not better for them to be fent to the West Indies This alternative,

No. 22.

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alternative, as was faid by an Honourable Gentleman, is put too generally. They are fent to the West Indies, but how are they fent? Yet they ufed kindly. If we are to listen to theory upon the fubject, in oppofition to experience, an in- genious man may find abundance of fpecious arguments for felling all captives. Intereft, it is faid, is fufficient to induce kindness and good treatment. The answer is fhort; all experience is against it. We know that fuch is the nature of man, that power leads to abufe, that the idea of poffeffing an unlimited authority fo far from infpiring tenderness, produces contempt of the object as worthlefs. Cruelty begets cruelty, and oppreffion breeds oppreffion, till the mind becomes hardened.

"But there is a better anfwer than this-we know from experience that fuch is the cafe. The favage cuftoms which taught the leaders of an army that they had a right to fell, taught them to feel lefs the guilt of gratifying their paffions in the commiffion of them, than if they had not conceived themselves poffeffed of fuch a right. Of this all hiftory, ancient and modern, affords proof. But in mentioning the causes of the war, does the Honourable Gentleman fay that Mr. Parke informed him that the fale of flaves was not the caufe? Was not the fale of flaves the reward of victors? Other caufes of war may no doubt exist among the favages. I believe no man in these

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times will fay that flavery is the only caufe of war. we know that ambition, revenge, hatred, and other bad paffions of mankind, have been the causes of war: that not only in barbarous, but in more cultivated times, they have been the origin of bloody wars? Indeed, if the abfence of these caufes of war be the mark of accufation, it must be confeffed that hitherto we have not made very great progrefs. What then, becaufe hatred, ambition, revenge, are causes of war, is it nothing to add another powerful motive to war, that of avarice? Docs no guilt attach to those who furnish this new principle of evil? May not this prefent an additional caufe? Africa has ever been one of the most uncultured parts of the globe. In Africa this traffic has in fome degree prevailed at every period. The fale of human beings has been made an article of gain, and is this no impediment to the advancement of knowledge and the progrefs of civilization.

"An Honourable Gentleman tells us that we ought not to be precipitate, we ought not to be violent; that we ought to prefer measures of conciliation to measures of feverity. Gracious God! Sir, what feverity are we about to commit? We muft poftpone the fubject; we muft ftay a little! What in the mean time is to be the fate of Africa? Are you to fufpend the trade for two or three years, till you fee whether an Act

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