adoption of the federal constitution, and is now entitled democratic or republican. We were called anti-federalists, because we were eager to have the constitution amended previous to its ratification, doubting the practicability of amendment afterwards, We were wild and extravagant enough to see despotism in many of its features, and were so fatuitous and blind as not to have the slightest idea of danger from the state governments. We have lived to see our miserable infatuation, and to deprecate and deplore its consequences.

My reason for this explicit avowal is, to induce the reader to receive my opinions and inferences with that caution which is necessary, from the probability of my being under the influence of that bias, which, more or less, every man feels towards the party to which he is attached; and which, notwithstanding I have sedulously endeavoured to guard against its influence, may have occasionally led me astray. To no human being has heaven deigned to impart infallibility: and it would be almost a miricle, if, in such a wide scope as. I have taken, I were not sometimes warped by passion or prejudice.

But to this it is proper to add, that I believe no man ever wrote a book of this extent, and embracing such a variety of subjects, who made lighter demands on the complaisance or credulity of his readers than I have done. For as the subjects I have treated of are of incalculable moment-as the happiness or misery of unborn millions, as well of this generation, depends on the course we steer-as that course will be materially affected by the correctness or errors of the views we may take of our past system of conduct-and as I have dared to cite before the bar of the public, men of high standinggreat tallents-great wealth-and powerful influence-I have Judged it proper to support, as far as in my power, and to a degree hardly ever exceeded, all my important facts by docu-. ments of undeniable authority. Many of my readers will probably believe that I have gone unnecessary lengths in this respect. But I trust I have not. It is at all events far better to produce two much evidence than two little.

Were every line. of my own writing in this work annihilated, the documents, which are its bones, and sinews, and muscles, would be amply adequate to establish the positions I meant to prove.

The strong style I have used in treating of the conduct of the eastern federalists, will be censured. But it may be defended on impregnable ground. In all their lucubrations on the motives of the war-the proceedings of the administration-and the conduct of their opponents-they uniformly employ the most unqualified terms of reprobation and condemnation. To sheer, downright wickedness, all the errors and misfortunes that have occurred, are ascribed. There is not the slightest shade of allowance made for human imperfection. A deep,

wicked, and desperate conspiracy to destroy commerce is assumed as the leading motive of government. And all its measures are ascribed to, and accounted for, by this absurd, this unfounded, this often refuted allegation.

Those who shew no mercy, have no right to complain if they are themselves treated with strict and unrelenting justice. "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again."

I have in the appendix, considerably extended the subjects of this work.

The pacific policy which our local situation affords us reason to hope we may safely pursue, and which our interest dictates, has induced me to review the restrictive system, and to point out its decisive effects on the prosperity of England. It is a most potent weapon-and, had not faction deprived it of its efficacy, would have insured us complete justice, and averted the horrors of warfare. To the defeat of this mild but powerful instrument, we may justly charge all the carnage and the expense of the war.

An efficient and safe mode of defence, whereby foreign aggression may be prevented, and internal tranquility preserveed, is the greatest desideratum in our political system. It is the key stone of the arch of our freedom and happiness. I have therefore gone most copiously into the consideration of the subject. The authority I have produced is irresistable. Neither Pringle, nor Cullen, nor Sydenham, on medicine-nor Black, nor Lavoisior, nor Chaptal, on chemistry-nor Luther, nor Calvin, nor Wesley, among their respective followers, on religion are superior authority to general Washington on militia service. I have therefore availed myself of his testimony to an extent which nothing but the immense magnitude of the subject could justify.

I have, likewise, in the appendix analized a small pamphlet, which I published last November, entitled, "A calm address to the people of the eastern states," wherein I have given a full view of the very erroneous opinions entertained respecting the slave representation; and I think fully proved, that notwithstanding the unceasing outcry and clamour on the subject in the eastern states from the time of the organization of the government, those states have had more than their share of influence in the legislature of the union, without having any regard to the slave population. In the course of this investigation I have made two curious discoveries; one, that New-York and Delaware have each a slave representative; and the other, that Massachusetts, although she has no slaves, has a representative of her black population.

Before I dismiss the work from my hands, feeling the solicitude of a parent for his offspring, I cannot refrain from once more requesting the reader, when he discovers any errors of style or matter; any deficiency or redundancy; or, in a word,

any thing to censure, that he will bear in mind the disadvan tages under which I have written; in hours stolen from sleep, and during the pressure of a business which in no common degree requires all the energies of body and mind; that I have in my various editions, and in the public papers, solicited the suggestion of errors, which, if pointed out, I promised to correct; and that I have also in the papers, and privately, in vain solicited communications from those who could and ought to have afforded them.

On subjects that have employed so many thousand pens and tongues, much novelty cannot be expected. It is possible that there is not a new idea in the whole work. All that Dr. Franklin or Patrick Henry could claim in the investigation of topics so long hacknied as those I have discussed, is the arrangement.

I fondly flatter myself that in this work will be found materials for a complete defence of the American nation in its intercourse with England. I am grossly deceived if the mild, forbearing, pacifie system pursued by this country for so many years, amidst such grievous provocations, will not universally receive, as it deserves, the praise; and the oppressive, outrageous, and injurious conduct of England to us, the censure of all Christendom.

It would be gross injustice to me to suppose, that I wish to perpetuate the hatred between the two nations. It is the farthest from my intention. It is the interest of the United States, and will be their policy, if treated with common degency or justice, to cultivate peace with all the world. And I am much deceived, if a plain and candid exposure of the vexatious, harrassing, insulting, and outrageous policy pursued by the successive ministers of England, from the year 1793, will not be the best means of preventing a recurrence of such impolitic and unjust conduct. They have deeply injured us. But the injury they inflicted on the vital interests of their own nation, has far exceeded what we have suffered.

PREFACE

TO THE SIXTH EDITION.“

Philadelphia, Sept. 6, 1815..

ONCE more, and probably for the last time, I offer the "Olive Branch," to my fellow citizens; improved and enlarged as far as in my power. I feel grateful for the kindness and indulgence extended to its imperfections.

Of the origin and progress of a work, which has succeeded so far beyond all human expectation, I may, perhaps, be permitted, without incurring the charge of vanity, to give a brief account. Should the detail be really chargeable to vanity, (no man judge correctly of himself) I hope it will be regarded as a venial failing.

can

EARLY in September, 1814, I was under as great a depression of mind, about the state of affairs, public and private, as I have ever experienced. A deep and awful gloom pervaded the thinking part of the community! Thick clouds and darkness covered the horrizon! The keenest eye could not behold, and could hardly anticipate a single spark of sunshine! Washington had been taken; and its public buildings destroyed with Gothic barbarity! Alexandria had been pillaged and plundered! Hampton had suffered rape and rapine! Baltimore was menaced with signal vengeance, and pointed out for military execution, in papers published by citizens of the United States Philadelphia and New-York were held in a state of the most alarming suspense, and in daily expectation of a hostile visit; and, of perhaps sharing the fate of Washington and Al

exandria!

At this awful moment, the horrible, the disorganizing, the jacobinical idea was not unfrequently advanced in our coffeehouses, and in our streets, that the war having been begun by the democrats, they must carry it on; that they had no right to call on the federalists for assistance, which the latter ought not to afford; that if the democrats compromited the honour and the interests of their country, by a dishonorable peace, the federalists should take the power out of their hands, and then contend for the violated honour and dignity of the

The Middlebury Edition, of 1920, copies, is the Fifth

country; that the British could not, nor, consistently with a regard to their honour, ought they to treat with Mr. Madison, who should be compelled to resign; with a vast variety for the same patriotic doctrines, which were publicly promulgated in some of our newspapers. At the same time, a few desperate men were preparing to add to the general distress and difficulty by a dissolution of the union.*

I was appalled at this horrible violence of some of the leaders of the federalists; and equally so at the imbecility and inactivity of the democrats. As the government, chosen by the free voice of a large majority of the nation, did not exercise the energy and dicision, that were requisite to controul and coersce the refractory minority; it appeared far better to make a change, than let the country become a prey to a foreign enemy or be torn in peices, by intestine discord, which seemed the only alternative. A frightful and sorrowful alternative it was! But the violence of party and faction seemed to force it on the country.

On a

With a mind, harrowed up with all these terrific considerations, I sat down to write, on the 6th of September. careful examination, of " the whole ground," the least of the mighty evils before the nation appeared to be, to submit to swallow the bitter pill presented, and make a radical change in the administration-so as to hold out inducements to the federalists, to unite their exertions to rescue the country from impending ruin. This radical change, I thought, ought to be introduced by resignation on the part of the incum

bents.

This confession will excite different emotions in my readers. Some of them will smile at my arrogance, in daring to suggest such a plan; others will abuse my imbecility for the proposal to give an inch of ground. "They jest at wounds, who never felt a scar." And no man who cannot most distinctly and clearly place before his eyes, the gloomy and frightful prospect, then in view, is capable of forming a correct opinion of the state of my mind. But I feel the most perfect indifference, as to the judgement that may be formed

on

* It may serve to display the high fever of the public mind, to annex a resolution offered in the house of representatives of Massachusetts, about four weeks after this time, viz. Oct. 5, 1814, by Mr. Law. of Lyman, which was, however, withdrawn next day, as premature at that time.

"Resolved that a Committee be appointed to confer with all the NewEngland States, and see if they will agree to appoint a Committee to join them, and repair to the city of Washington immediately, then an there personally to make known to the President, the general opinion of all the New England States in regard to the present war, and the manner in which it has been conducted; and inform him that he must either resign his office, as President, or remove those ministers and their officers, who have by their nefarious plans ruined the nation!"