vailed between neighbouring states, with rival interests, real or supposed, and would hold out every possible inducement, and every desirable facility to foreign nations, to array each against the other, and thus subjugate the whole, or at least render them dependent upon, or subservient to those foreign nations; and whereas, finally, it would be absolute madness to throw away the incalculable blessings we enjoy, for the mere chance of bettering our condition, and still more for the absolute certainty of rendering it much worse:

Therefore resolved, that we the subscribers do associate under the title of the WASHINGTON UNION SOCIETY, of which the following is the

CONSTITUTION.

I. We solemnly pledge ourselves to support by every honourable and legal means in our power the existing form of the general government.

II. That we will use our utmost endeavours to counteract as far as in our power, all plots for the dissolution of the union.

III. That we will correspond and cheerfully co-operate with all individuals, and bodies of men, in all parts of the union, who have the same views with us on the object embraced in the second article, however they may differ from us on other political topics.

IV. That the officers of the society shall be a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, committee of correspondence, and committee of elections.

V. That it shall be the duty of the committee of correspondence, to invite the good citizens of this state and of the other states, to form similar societies and to correspond with them; to investigate and expose to public abhorrence, the various plans that have been adopted from time to time, to effect the parricidal purpose of dissolving the union; to place in the strongest point of light the advantages of our blessed form of government, with the tremendous consequences of civil war, and (the inevitable result of a separation) our being instruments in the hands of the great powers of Europe, to annoy, ravage, depopulate, slaughter, and destroy each other.

PREFACE

TO THE FOURTH EDITION."

Philadelphia, April 10, 1815.

I COMMENCE this Preface, with feelings very different indeed from those by which I was actuated, when I penned the former ones. Prospects, public and private, have wonderfully improved. A revolution immence, striking, glorious, and delightful, has taken place in the affairs of our blessed country, for which we cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven. We have not I say emphatically-we have not merited the change. I could assign various satisfactory reasons in proof of this opinion, extraordinary as it may seem. I wave them. It is unnecessary to enter into the recapitulation. But whatever may have been our past merits or demerits, I hope our prosperity is now fixed on a basis as firm as the rock of Gibralter..

In the present tranquilized state of the public mind, when the fears and solicitudes excited by the late alarming state of affairs have subsided, it will be difficult for the reader to justify, or even to account for the warmth which many parts of this work display. It is therefore but justice to myself, to give a rapid sketch of the scenes through which we have passed, in order to account for the excitement of my mind, so obvious to every reader in the perusal of some of my chapters.

The government had been nearly reduced to bankruptcy. It had been unable to raise money to discharge the most imperious engagements. There was no general circulating medium in the country. The banks, from New-York to New-Orleans, inclusively, had, with perhaps one or two exceptions, stopped the payment of specie. The bank notes of Philadelphia and New-York were depreciated in Boston from 15 to 25 per cent. below par. And every feature in our political affairs wore the same awful aspect. Whether the causes I have assigned in chapter LII. really produced this state of things or not, is immaterial. Be the cause what it may, the fact existed. Want of money had partially suspended the recruiting service. And the pacification of Europe had quadrupled the disposable force of our enemy, and in the same degree increased our danger and the necessity for energy and vigilance.

*The third edition, of 1250 copies, was printed in Boston

Under these circumstances,congress was convened on the 19th. of September, nearly two months earlier than the period fixed by law, in order to make provision for such an extraordinary emergency. The state of the nation was fully detailed to them in various executive communications, which called, imperiously called for energy and decision.

Rarely has a legislative body had more important duties to fulfil, or a more glorious opportunity of signalizing itself, and laying claim to the public gratitude. Rarely have stronger motives existed to arouse every spark of public spirit or patriotism that had lain dormant in the heart. And I venture to assert, there hardly ever was a legislature that more completely disappointed public expectation-that more egregiously failed of its duty.

The imbecility, the folly, the vacillation, the want of system, of energy, and of decision, displayed by the majority-and the unyielding, the stubborn, the violent opposition of the minority to all the measures for which the occasion so loudly calledhave fixed an indelible stain on the memory of the thirteenth congress. They will be long remembered with emotions neither of gratitude nor respest. No where, I am persuaded, in the annals of legislation, is there to be found an instance of precious time more astonishingly mispent. They had been in session nearly five months when the news of peace arrived and had but three weeks to sit. The spring, the season of hostility and depredation, was rapidly approaching; and what had they done to serve or save their country? What provision had they made of men or money? Little or none. Nearly all the measures adapted for the emergency that had been brought forward in congress had been defeated.*

That this state of public affairs was calculated to excite warmth of feeling, and to call forth a strong expression of that warmth, must be obvious-and will not merely account for, but justify the high wrought passages to be found in the work, which, under other circumstances, might perhaps be indefensible.

It will be asked, what good purpose can the re-publication of this work answer at present? Is it not, it will be said, far better to bury the hatchet, and to consign, these things to oblivion, than to keep alive animosity and discord?

I have asserted elsewhere, that England presents much to admire and copy. In this point, she is trancendently superior to us. Had parliament been called in such a crisis as existed last September in this country, all the effective preparations necessary to breast the storm would have been made in one week. Some of the declamatory speeches of two or three days long, occupied as much time as parliament would have required to raise fifty millions of money, and to provide means for embodying an army of 50,000 men.

Were the tendency of the Olive Branch to keep alive discord, I should unhesitatingly consign it to the flames. But I atterly disbelieve this will or can be the consequence. I cannot admit that a fair detail of the mutual follies of the two parties, has a tendency to perpetuate hostility between them. It is contrary to reason, common sense, and the universal experience of mankind.

Peace, or harmony, or conciliation, is not to be hoped for, while both parties clothe themselves in the deceptious mantle of self-righteousness-while they not only believe themselves immaculate, but their opponents "monsters unredeemed by any virtue." Nothing but a serious, solemn and deep rooted conviction on both sides, of egregious misconduct, can lead to that temper of mind which is necessary to produce a mild, conciliating spirit. While both parties act the part of the self-approving pharisee, we might with equal chance of success attempt to unite fire and water-light and darkness-virtue and vice, as to reconcile them. But when both regard themselves in their true light, as offenders against their duties to their country, they will be disposed to forgive that they may be forgiven. This idea, which is the basis whereon this work rests, has been more than once stated, and cannot be too often repeated, and inculcated on the public mind.

I fondly hope this work will have other uses-that it may serve as a beacon to other times than ours. When a navigator discovers new shoals, and rocks and quicksands, he marks them on his chart, to admonish future navigators to be on their guard, and to shun the destruction to which ignorance might

lead.

This strongly applies to our case. By an extraordinary mixture of folly and wickedness, we had run the vessel of state on rocks,and quicksands and breakers, where she was in imminent danger of perishing. We had brought to the verge of perdition the noblest form of government, and the most free and happy people, that the sun ever beheld. But, thanks to heaven; not to our virtue, our public spirit, or our liberality; we have escaped. We have arrived safe in port. I have endeavoured to delineate a chart of the most formidable of the rock on which

Monstra nulla virtute redempta.

The illustrious heroes of the western country-our gallant navy-several of our generals and armies on the lines-the citizens of Baltimore, of, Stonington, the garrison at Crany island-and the people of some other places are obviously exempt from this censure. And never was there greater energy displayed than in New-York, in making preparations for the warm reception of an enemy. But when we consider the violence of the eastern states against the rulers chosen by the people, the torpor and in difference of the mighty state of Pennsylvania, and other portions of the anion, we must have a sign, and draw a veil over past scenes.

our vessel was striking, to serve as a guide to future state pilots. I trust the chart cannot be examined attentively without benefit. It establishes an important, but most awful political maxim, that dur ing the prevalence of the destructive, and devouring and, execrable spirit of faction, men, otherwise good and respectable, will too frequently sacrifice, without scruple or remorse, the most vital interests of their country, under the dictates and to promote the views, of violent and ambitious men! What a terrific subject of contemplation!

The publication of this book has decided one point of considerable importance to the truth of history, and to the happiness of mankind. This point is, that it is not quite so dangerous as has been supposed, for a writer to draw a portrait of his cotemporaries; provided the features be faithfully and impartially delineated. It has been too generally presumed that it is utterly unsafe to write of our own times with truth. With this idea I was impressed when I engaged in the work. And it required no common stimulus to inspire me with the hardihood the undertaking required.

But the event has falsified the anticipation. Without any of the advantages that office, or rank, or connexions afford. I have dared publicly to call faction, and jacobinism, and disorganization, as well as factious men, and jacobins, and disorganizers, by their proper names, without distinction of party: And the reliance I placed upon the good sense of the public has not been disappointed. My efforts have been received by a large proportion of the good and great men of the nation with a favour and kindness, which fill my heart with the most exquisite pleasure; and amply repay my trouble and my risk; the sacrifice of my business and of my enjoyments, during the progress of the work; and hold out encouragement to political writers to shun that slavish and dishonourable devotion to one party, whereby truth is sacrificed, and history made a mere tissue of fables. If no other effect had been produced by this book, I should not have written in vain.

The advantages of cotemporaneous writing are numerous and weighty. When the passing events are recorded and commented on, while they are as it were spread before our eyes, it only requires honesty of intention to make the portrait a tolerable likeness. But when we treat on occurrences of "years that are past and gone,' "it is like tracing the features of a deceased friend from memory. The great and leading outlines may be correct-but in filling up the drawing, many of the most important characteristics must escape.

It may not be improper to warn the reader, that I am attached to, and in general approve of the political views and most part (not the whole by any means) of the conduct of that party which was stigmatized as anti-federalists, before the