ion undergoes such frequent and such violent changes as those of Governor Brown, noted in this case, the value of those opinions decrease with each change.

BROWN ON EDUCATION.

We have said that Brown is a sensationalist. This quality of his mind was illustrated in the summer of 1871 by a remarkable address which he made before the National Convention of SchoolTeachers, which met at St. Louis. Wishing to advocate to them a greater proportion of moral culture in their courses of instruction, he overshot his mark entirely, and gave them a discourse which must have been revolting to the sentiments of his hearers, denouncing the whole system of American education, and declaring that the public schools of the country were the firebrands of society, and much more conducive to immorality than absolute ignorance; his theory being that education makes a youth ambitious-and that ambition makes him unprincipled! He seemed to forget that children have any other means of moral instruction except the public school, and slashed away, thick and heavy, in behalf of some sort of a moral-precept machine whereby the evils of which he complained might be remedied, and the teachers whom he addressed deprived of their poisonous fangs. This speech was applauded by the Chicago Tribune.

WHY SOME THINGS ARE THUS.

It is generally understood among those familiar

with the habits of Governor Brown, that the extraordinary theories and sentiments which he is apt to advance in public ways are not so much the result of the consumption of midnight oil, as of some other liquid, more volatile in its properties. St. Louis is a convivial city, and politics, as run by Brown, is a demoralizing business to the habits of its votaries. The result upon a man of sanguine temperament can be easily imagined. Some of Mr. Brown's most brilliant and startling oratory has been delivered on banquet occasions, at an hour when reporting is impracticable, hence they have been lost to the world. It is related that Frank Blair, whose habits are also convivial, and who is not himself noted for his continence of language, has been seen to pluck the Governor by the coat, in the midst of the latter's most extravagant flights of oratory, when the table was in a roar, and exclaim spiritedly, Good, Governor! Good, by ! Go ahead, Governor! make a

fool of yourself. That will read well in the morning. (Hic) hurrah!"

It must in candor be admitted by Governor Brown's enemies that he reforms his habits frequently, and is every few months as rabid a teetotaler and Maine law man as he was the opposite a month before, and it is more than likely that, at least until the present campaign is over, he will be as good a temperance man as his companion upon the Democratic ticket.

In person, Governor Brown is of the medium

The

hight, very slender of figure and immediately noticeable for his wealth of red hair and beard. color is very pronounced, and hence our engraving, in plain black and white, cannot adequately portray his most distinguishing feature. In short, he is, like his companion upon the Democratic ticket, exactly the man whom an observer would not select for a place requiring, as the Presidency or the Vice Presidency does, a large degree of dignity, reserved force, calmness of manner, consistency of purpose and equability of temper. None of these can justly be attributed to B. Gratz Brown.

APPENDIX.

DOCUMENTS, STATISTICS, CAMPAIGN NOTES.

·

Greeley's Letter of Acceptance-Henry Wilson's Ditto-Scraps From Greeley's PaperA Secessionist through 1860, '61, '62-Converted to Republicanism-Eulogizes Grant's Administration Repeatedly-What the Tribune Said for Grant in 1870 and 1871-Sumner's Falsehood Concerning Stanton Exposed-" Bayonet Legislation"-Of What it Consists -The New Tax Law-Burdens Lifted from the People-Interesting National Debt Statement-Election Statistics-National and State Governments-Presidential Tickets in the Field-Expose of Greeley's Intriguing for the Democratic Nomination in 1871.

HORACE GREELEY'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE:

NEW YORK, May 20, 1872. GENTLEMEN: I have chosen not to acknowledge your letter of the 3d inst. until I could learn how the work of your Convention was received in all parts of our great country, and judge whether that work was approved and ratified by the mass of our fellow citizens. Their response has from day to day reached me through telegrams, letters, and the comments of journalists independent of official patronage and indifferent to the smiles or frowns of power. The number and character of these unconstrained, unpurchased, unsolicited utterances satisfy me that the movement which found expression at Cincinnati has received the stamp of public approval, and been hailed by a majority of our countrymen as the harbinger of a better day for the Republic.

I do not misinterpret this approval as especially complimentary to myself, nor even to the chivalrous and justly esteemed gentleman with whose name I thank your Convention for associating mine. I receive and welcome it as a spontaneous and deserved tribute to that admirable Platform of principles, wherein your Convention so tersely, so lucidly, so forcibly, set forth the convictions which impelled and the purposes which guided its course -a Platform which, casting behind it the wreck and rubbish of worn-out contentions_and by-gone feuds, embodies in fit and few words the needs and aspirations of To-Day. Though thousands stand ready to condemn your every act, hardly a syllable of criticism or cavil has been aimed at your Platform, of which the substance may be fairly epitomized as follows:

1. All the political rights and franchises which have been acquired through our late bloody convulsion must and shall be guaranteed, maintained, enjoyed, respected,

evermore.

2. All the political rights and franchises which have been lost through that convulsion should and must be promptly restored and re-established, so that there shall be henceforth no proscribed class and no disfranchised caste within the limits of our Union, whose long estranged people shall re-unite and fraternize upon the broad basis of Universal Amnesty with Impatial Suffrage.

3. That, subject to our solemn constitutional obligation to maintain the equal rights of all citizens, our policy should aim at local self-government, and not at centralization; that the civil authority should be supreme over the military; that the writ of habeas corpus should be jealously upheld as the safeguard of personal freedom; that the individual citizen should enjoy the largest liberty consistent with public order; and that there shall be no Federal subversion of the internal polity of the several States and municipalities, but that each shall be left free to enforce the rights and promote the well-being of its inhabitants by such means as the judgment of its own people shall prescribe.

4. There shall be a real and not merely a simulated reform in the Civil Service of the Republic; to which end it is indispensable that the chief dispenser of its vast official patronage shall be shielded from the main temptation to use his power selfishly, by a rule inexorably forbidding and precluding his re-election.

5. That the raising of Revenue, whether by Tariff or otherwise, shall be recognized and treated as the People's immediate business, to be shaped and directed by them through their Representatives in Congress, whose action thereon the President must neither over