as the most advanced of the so-called liberals can boast, and yet the loyal men of the country will feel far safer in seeing such precepts carried out under the administration of one who has displayed always a nice appreciation of the rights of both races of the South, than under one who proposes to sail into the White House upon a breeze which blows only in behalf of the old Rebel element at the South, and a popularity which results from his favoring Secession and bailing Jeff. Davis.

Congress heeded the recommendation of President Grant, and passed several amnesty bills, in a single one of which about 25,000 Rebels were readmitted to all the privileges of citizenship, including office-holding.

Grant's record on Amnesty is such, in short, as to make him much stronger in the South than his principal adversary in this contest; though not, perhaps with the old political class of Rebels, who seem fully as blind now as they did in 1860 and 1861. With the Confederate soldiers, who fought nobly for what they were taught to believe was their country, it will doubtless be otherwise; and as for the Blacks, who constitute a majority in the South, not one in ten of them is going to be beguiled into voting for the candidate of the Democracy, especially if it be Greeley. They regard Grant as next to Lincoln, their deliver; and of Greeley they say, "If he had had his say in '60 and '61, and you'd let de Southern States, depart in peace,' den we'd done been slaves to-day, shuh,

No, we can't go for Mr. Greeley."

for Mr. Greeley." And their logic

has common sense in it, as negro logic usually has.

THE TREATY WITH ENGLAND.

The foreign policy of President Grant has been one of peace. In one of his messages, he he says, "As the United States is the freest of all nations, so, too, the people sympathize with all peoples struggling for liberty and self-government. But while so sympathizing," he adds, "it is due to our honor that we should abstain from enforcing our views upon unwilling nations and taking an interested part without invitation in the quarrels between different nations, or between governments and their subjects." This principle-an old maxim with the American government-is the President's answer to those feverish, fretful newspaper organs in New York, which have always (apparently in the interest of some speculators in Cuban Republic bonds) been teasing the Government to interfere with Cuban affairs, and bring on a war with Spain. It is also a sufficient reason for the President's prompt interference to check the irruption of Fenians from our borders upon British soil in 1869. The President himself came near forgetting it in the case of Baez, Cabral and the Haytien government, where the cause of the first-named chieftain promised soon to become our own cause, through annexation; but he recollected himself in time to save his record in this respect.

The principal matter of foreign policy with which

1

General Grant's administration has had to do, however, is the negotiation of the much-talked-about treaty with England, intended to bring about a settlement, without bloodshed, of four questions which had long vexed the diplomacy of the two nations. These were:

1. The claims alleged against Great Britain, by reason of the Rebel privateers fitted out in British ports, and known as the "Alabama Claims."

2. The question of Fishermen's rights along the Banks of New Foundland, there being an old dispute as to how near to the Canadian shore American fishermen were, by former treaties, entitled to approach.

3. The navigation of the Great Lakes and other navigable waters lying within either government's territory, by the navy and merchant marine of the other.

4. The location of the San Juan boundary (between Washington Territory and British Columbia.)

To arrange for the settlement of these questions a Joint High Commission was appointed by the two governments and assembled at Washington in February, 1871, completing its labors on the 8th of May, when the treaty of Washington was signed by the members of the Commission. The treaty was ratified June 17th, 1871. (An abstract of all its important provisions, together with some interesting papers bearing upon the question before the