DISTRUST THE TURK To the Editors of The Outlook: There appears to be a propaganda in the daily press and in some magazines in behalf of the Turks' declarations, purporting to be made by the Sultan, by the heir-apparent, or by committees of distinguished Turkish citizens, disavowing all responsibility for the Armenian massacres, promising adequate reform, inviting American co-operation in such reform, and pledging punishment of the guilty. The Arabs have a tradition that when Shaitan was laying his plan for establishing his kingdom on earth he collated in seven bags all possible lies, and started to distribute them over the face of the earth. But, realizing the importance of his errand and desiring to conserve his Satanic energies, he lay down on the mountains of Syria to take a restful nap, and while asleep some one with the inquisitiveness of Pandora cut the fastenings of six of the bags, and the lies therein contained-namely, sixsevenths of the visible supply for the whole globe-became localized in the regions constituting the Turkish Empire. The attitude of the present rulers of Turkey, who are engaged in that fearful looking for a judgment to come that John Bunyan has so graphically pictured (lacking only the element of true repentance that characterized John Bunyan's hero), doesn't differ at all from that which has been preserved in the declarations of our own State Department. In the publication entitled "Foreign Relations of the United States," at page 557, edition of 1914, is the record of the appeal made to the Government of the United States for intervention in behalf of the Armenians in 1909. The Department of State asserted that it, in this particular massacre and in times past, had not looked on unmoved, but had always wished that it had the power to prevent such suffering, but was convinced of its powerlessness to act. It declared, having doubtless received assurances from Constantinople, through the United States Minister, holding roseate views of the effect of the Constitution on the emergence of what was supposed to be a new element in Turkish political life: It is no longer a question of dealing with a government implicated in the Armenian massacres. It is honestly believed that the best course now for the betterment of the unfortunate people concerned is to exhibit a degree of confidence in the newly established constitutional government, whose Sultan has solemnly proclaimed to Parliament his horror over the awful slaughter of his subjects; his firm intention to punish the guilty and his purpose to use his fullest power to maintain peace, justice, and tranquillity through his dominions, and among all races and religionists. I am warranted in my application of the foregoing action by the additional clause in this very statement by our Department of State: The hopeful promise of reform seems to be convincing by the recent official reports from Turkey that the Constitutional Government is taking vigorous methods for the complete restoration of order in Asia Minor, for a rigid investigation of the massacres, and for the effective military protection of the disturbed districts, all of which, it is hoped, will be able to prevent a recurrence of the recent lamentable events which are deplored as keenly by the President as they can be by any citizen. The United States did nothing then. And it has done nothing since, either to insure the carrying out of the then expected investigation, punishments, restoration of (Continued on page 647) They Ignore the Film The old idea of brushing teeth was to remove food particles. Some ways also aimed to polish teeth. But time soon proved those methods insufficient. 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The object of this "bleating" on the part of the Turks is to escape punishment for complicity in the crimes of those who dominated Turkish affairs before the armistice. If I may make bold to offer a suggestion, it is that there is too much dependence in Washington on "official reports." In the very nature of things, one who does not know the language and know the people, and who hasn't lived among the people outside_the precincts of the diplomatic circles in Constantinople, never can get real facts. He sees the official Turk. He comes in contact with the courteous diplomat, and with one or two exceptions the history of the last. fifty years of diplomatic intercourse with Turkey shows that our Ministers have been hoodwinked and overreached. There is an avenue of information, if we are not willing to use the first-hand knowledge of Armenians and Syrians in this country who could talk from their actual experience of treatment by the Turks and of the attitude and nature of the Turks, and of the hopelessness of trying to insure any reform in the administration by the Turks of a government over non-Moslem peoples. That avenue of information is the missionaries who have been for many years living with and among the people, giving themselves and their careers to and for these people, who, by reason of the rules binding them under the mission boards, are forbidden to meddle in politics or to talk for publication in such a way as to complicate the relation of these missionary agencies in the Turkish Empire. But if a commissioner sent by our State Department were to go from mission station to mission station and get, under its authority, at first hand the testitimony and opinions of the Christian men and women whose integrity and veracity is unimpugnable, such information to afford the basis for findings and recommendations to the State Department, it would open the eyes of the American people. It is no answer to the foregoing to say that the matter is now before the Peace Conference, and doubtless will be safeguarded by British plenipotentiaries. There is still time to exert influence on the minds of the delegates to this Conference from this country as well to distrust and disbelieve every declaration or promise made by the Sultan of Turkey or any one in his behalf. Let those who hold a brief for the Turk and his good faith inform us to what extent or in what particular either the Constitutional Government of 1909 in Turkey or any subsequent administration under any Sultan conducted a bona-fide investigation of the massacres or effectively protected the Armenians in the disturbed districts, or did one single thing to prevent a recur rence of "recent lamentable events" which are deplored so keenly by the hypocritical HENRY W. JESSUP. Sultan. New York City. [The remarkable and absorbingly interesting book by ex-Ambassador Morgenthau, reviewed in last week's Outlook, confirms Mr. Jessup's estimate of the untrustworthiness of Turkish officials. Mr. Jessup is a New York lawyer, born in Syria of American parentage. His father was a distinguished missionary-educator, and he is thoroughly familiar with the history, habits, and characteristics of the Turkish Empire.-THE EDITORS.] I' McCutcheon's January Linen and IN N some respects this is the most important Linen and White Goods Sale we have ever held. By concentrating on the task of watching the Linen markets of the world during the four critical years just past, and knowing when and where to buy, we are this January in a position to offer our Patrons a large range of Household Linens of regular McCutcheon Quality at prices as low as, and in some cases lower than, they were a year ago, and this notwithstanding the marked increase in cost during the past year. Mainly the prices on these goods are below even presentday wholesale prices. 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F you are in the habit of buying The Outlook at a newsstand, it will be to your advantage to place a standing order with your newsdealer. The War Industries Board has requested publishers to discontinue the acceptance of unsold copies from newsdealers, and in conformity with that request The Outlook is now non-returnable. To prevent loss, therefore, newsdealers must imit their orders to actual sales. Buyers at news-stands may co-operate and avoid disappointment by giving their dealer a standing order for the weekly delivery of The Outlook. THE OUTLOOK COMPANY DECEMBER 25, 1918 Offices, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York RESIDENT WILSON IN EUROPE We share in the gratification and appreciation which all merican citizens feel at the reception abroad of President Vilson as the representative of the United States. The French eople have a peculiar admiration for men of intellectual ability nd brilliance. The honor of being elected to the French Acadmy is an honor second to none in the French Republic, and it based chiefly upon the candidate's ability to think, to reason, nd to express his thought in forms of literary beauty. Mr. Vilson is therefore received in France, not merely as a Presient and a champion of democracy, but as a man of letters. and it is apparent that his speeches so far have gratified the rench, not only because of their sentiments regarding the war, ut because of their skill of literary expression. His first pubc address was made at a luncheon at which the President of he French Republic, M. Poincaré, made an address of welome. Mr. Wilson's response included the following paragraph: Never before has war worn so terrible a visage or exhibited more grossly the debasing influence of illicit ambitions. I am sure that I shall look upon the ruin wrought by the armies of the Central Empires with the same repulsion and deep indignation that they stir in the hearts of the men of France and Belgium, and I appreciate, as you do, sir, the necessity of such action in the final settlement of the issues of the war as will not only rebuke such acts of terror and spoliation, but make men everywhere aware that they cannot be ventured upon without the certainty of just punishment. This has been taken by the French people to mean that the President will approve of such peace terms as will insist upon ermany's making such reparations as she can in money payments, and that he believes that the men in Germany responsile for the war and its atrocities must be tried and punished as riminals. In approving the President's proposed visit we ventured to ay a few weeks ago that we respectfully believed that his peronal contact with the people and statesmen of Great Britain and he Continent would do him good. He would certainly be a man of narrow limitations who did not have his pulses quickened, his ympathies enlarged, and his views of international relations modified by such a unique and splendid experience as President Wilson is now passing through. Such acclamation, such confilence, such hopes, as are being centered upon him must add o his strength, his humility, and his reliance upon the co-operaion of his fellows. Some of these impressions he will doubtless oring back with him, and we at home shall in this reflected way eceive the impulses in our National life that he must have eceived in his personal feelings. This interchange and strength ning of thought and feeling and human sympathy will be not one of the least advantages of the co-operation of the United States, through President Wilson as its spokesman, in the Peace 'onference. THE BRITISH ELECTIONS On December 14 the British elections took place. They were istinguished by four unprecedented features: First, some six million women voted; women of thirty and over were enfranchised by the recent Act of Parliament, and his was the first exercise of their new power. In some districts women were at the polls before the men and in larger numbers. Second, by the same Act many additional male voters were creted through the extension of the franchise by abolishing certain property and residential qualifications formerly necessary. Third, all the balloting was done in one day, instead of the sual elections in different districts, spreading over weeks. Fourth, the votes were not counted on the day of election; they will not be counted for a fortnight, so that the ballots of the soldiers abroad may be received and opened with the others. The question of the soldier vote formed the Labor party's chief objection to having an election at all, it being alleged that such an election among millions of workingmen, now soldiers abroad, would not poll more than a part of the whole soldier vote. Mr. Lloyd George, the Prime Minister, denied this in general, adding that the Labor party did not represent all the labor of the United Kingdom; that, in fact, it represented only a small part, that labor votes would be largely cast for the Government, that the remainder were under the control of the pacifists and Bolshevists, and that it would not be safe to trust the business of a great Empire to such a Labor party until it was able to overthrow this clique. The objection on the part of many Liberals to the election was the claim that it was unnecessary to issue a new mandate of authority to the present Coalition Government. However, the Premier thought otherwise. He was winningly frank in his statement that the present was the time to take action if a further extension of power was to be obtained. The Coalition Government is supposed to be non-partisan. Accordingly its electoral programme as to home policies was as follows: 1. Protection to those industries essential to national security. 2. Prevention of the dumping of goods produced by foreign cheap labor. 3. Colonial preference. 4. Land reform. 5. A minimum wage. 6. Reconstitution of the House of Lords by omitting the principle of heredity. 7. No coercion to Ulster in the Irish settlement. 8. Welsh Church disestablishment. To the opponents of Mr. Lloyd George (popularly supposed to be a free-trader and Home-Ruler) this seemed an opportunist programme, and the Premier's utterances since have rather confirmed them in that opinion. As to foreign policy, Mr. Lloyd George's claims for indemnity from Germany, on the plea of a full payment for her crimes (as if that could ever be!) rather than on what she can pay within a reasonable time, have caused his critics to query whether, after all, he might not be using a great national mood for electioneering purposes. The question arises, therefore, How long will the new Government last? Mr. Chamberlain won a victory in 1900 on a similar issuethe so-called "khaki election" which he as Colonial Secretary was a chief agent in bringing about in order to take advantage of the patriotic and anti-Boer fervor animating the nation. Mr. George's supporters believe that he is equally justified in a similar foreign policy to-day. At all events, his victory is conceded. Nor do his supporters forget his services to land, labor, and social reform at home, or that to him more perhaps than to any other man is due the plan of Allied military campaign under a single commander--one of the chief reasons why we won the war. These things added force to the Premier's appeals to the nation to sink party differences and to maintain its unity. That the British people would be wise enough at this crisis to indorse Lloyd George we have not doubted was a foregone conclusion. "AN INCOMPARABLY GREAT NAVY" Despatches from Washington report that Admiral Charles J. Badger, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the General Naval Board, has urged upon Congress the building of a United States Navy which by 1925 shall be unsurpassed in the |