gree resembling them can be found in their National Platform of 1844 or of 1848-and for an obvious reason. Up to that time Jacksonism had been the inspiration of that party as a whole.

But in 1852, and thenceforth, Calhounism entered into and possessed it. There was another and a practical reason for the appearance of this resolution at that time. In 1851 there had been a distinct movement in the Gulf States tending toward secession, but it had failed because it found the Southern Democracy unripe on the question of provocation, and the Northern Democracy unripe on the question of power. Until both classes were sufficiently educated, no progress to a slave republic could be made. It was at once resolved to debauch the Northern Democracy. The price was their votes. The bargain was made.

Franklin Pierce was nominated for President, and the resolutions of 1798 became a "main foundation of Democratic creed." They were a conspicuous feature in the Democratic Platforms of 1852, of 1856, and of 1860-doing everywhere the purposed and pernicious work of undermining the national structure and preparing the way for the long planned conspiracy of 1861-65.* They disappeared from the Platform of 1864, in the very flames of war; but there were men in that convention who sought to re-affirm them. They were voted out on the avowed ground that the Platform of 1864 was to be limited to the one issue of surrender to the rebellion by a convention. To this hour, no Democratic Con

* Extract from letter of President Andrew Jackson to Rev. A. J. Crawford, Washington, May 1, 1833: "The tariff was only the pretext [for nullification], and disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the negro or slavery question."

From Thomas H. Benton's Thirty Years' View, vol. 2: "In tracing this agitation [slavery] to its present stage, it is not to be forgotten that it is a mere continuation of old tariff disunion, and preferred because more available."

From Henry Clay's private correspondence of 1844, p. 490: It is perfectly manifest that a party exists in South Carolina seeking a dissolution of the Union." From Stephen A. Douglas's last speech, Chicago, May 1, 1861: "The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since-formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. They use the slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their ends."

vention has expressed contrition for the unexampled betrayal of trust made by the Democratic party in their adoption. For a parallel to this, both in the treachery of it and the terrible consequences of it, the history of all parties in all nations will be searched in vain.

of

Resting upon the assurances and opinions of the most conspicuous Democratic authority in the Union, the secessionists, who had boldly seized the legislative and military power six States, and were sure of immunity for the three months yet remaining of Democratic supremacy in the Union, proceeded in the completion of their schemes of disunion. So that, when President Buchanan turned from his hands to those of his lawfully-elected successor the government of the United States which he had received from his predecessor, there was confronting it, as a direct product of his concessions, arguments, and assurances of December 4, 1860, a hostile government which practically held most of the slave section—organized under a constitution, intent upon independence, preparing for war, and partly prepared for war by the transfer during the year 1860 from the Springfield (Mass.) Arsenal to Southern arsenals, and by advancing to Southern States their quotas of arms-this through the agency of John B. Floyd, President Buchanan's Secretary of War, and to the extent of over 250,000 muskets.

THE CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION.

The Constitution of the Confederate States was modeled upon the Constitution of the United States. Jefferson Davis in his Inaugural said that it “differed only from that of our fathers in so far as it was explanatory of their well-known in,

But the number of changes, both of omission and addi, tion, which were required to make the new instrument comport with their previous interpretations of the old instrument, show the hollowness of the pretenses made by this class for seventy years. In this aspect, a study of their Constitution has especial value.

First. In the preamble were inserted the words, "Each State acting in its sovereign and independent character."

Second. From the preamble were stricken out the clauses: more perfect Union," "provide for the common defense," and "promote the general welfare." In place of the words, " "more perfect Union," were inserted the words, "permanent federal government."

Third. In the first article legislative powers were "delegated" to Congress, instead of "granted."

Fourth. In the third paragraph of Art. 1, and elsewhere, the word "slaves" was inserted instead of the words, “other persons."

Fifth. In the eighth section of Art. I a clause was inserted that "no bounties shall be granted from the treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry."

Sixth. The Congress was denied the power "to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce," except furnishing buoys, improving harbors, and removing obstructions in river navigation, "and in all such cases duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof."

Seventh. The Congress was denied power to pass a "law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves." Eighth. The denial of the right of States to "grant bills of credit was struck out.

Ninth. The "Supreme" Court was made a Court was made a "Superior" Court.

Tenth. Citizens of each State were given the "right of transit and sojourn in any State with their slaves."

Eleventh. The word "slave" is inserted in the "service or labor" clause of Art. 4, Sect. II.

Twefth. In the clause giving jurisdiction to Congress over the Territories, it was provided that "in all such territory negro slavery shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the territorial government, and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the States or Territories in the Confederates States."

Thirteenth. Every phrase was excluded which involved the

idea of a "Union." Every phrase was included which involved the idea of a "Confederacy."

And upon all this elaborate construction for the perpetuation of human bondage they inserted in the preamble a clause "invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God."

This Constitution had immediate interpretation from the Vice-President elected under it. He declared that it had for its" corner-stone" the great truth that "slavery is the natural and normal condition of the negro." He found the basis for this great truth in either "nature," or in the "curse against Canaan." But history explodes one of these pretenses, and ethnological science the other. He declared this to be the first government in the history of the world based upon this great "physical and moral truth." And he predicted that, though this "truth" may be slow in development, the government founded upon it is destined to become the controlling power on this continent, while the progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with "absolute certainty."

It is difficult to restrain a smile while reading these glowing prophecies. But they were not at the time regarded as visionary by those to whom they were addressed. Because those who heard them realized, on the one hand, the prodigious force of the power which was daily drawing towards the Confederacy the border slave States, and because, on the other hand, they felt a great security against an appeal to arms in the attitude assumed toward them by the Northern Democracy.

Mr. Stephens did not miscalculate as to the favorable influences touching the border States. His fatal error was as to the probable conditions which would confront Abraham Lincoln in the free States. The Northern Democratic masses had read, but had not received, the secessionism which lurked in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions. They had supported in 1852 and 1856 and in 1860 Democratic Presidential candidates without realizing that thereby they had been counted as willing to be conspirators in the destruction of their country. They did not intend that party fealty should be taken for treachery to their own hearths and homes. And when the flag of their country was deliberately insulted at Sumter, an indignant and

resenting patriotism drove at once to the side of President Lincoln the uncorrupted part of the Northern people, while Pierce and Price and Wood and their ilk hid themselves from the wrathful indignation of those whom they had betrayed. Had the Northern Democratic leaders perfected the work to which since 1852 they had dedicated themselves, actual resistance to the firing on Sumter would have been impossible, and disunion would have come, as it was expected by the secessionists to come, through an enervated and incapable North.

Meanwhile the superseded Congress, at its closing session to which President Buchanan addressed his last message, paid instant attention to the condition to which the country had been reduced.

Committees in each House considered the crisis, and a "Peace Congress," organized from without, met in Washington for the same purpose. The final result was that both Houses passed, by the 2d of March, 1861, a joint resolution proposing a constitutional amendment that "no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State." This was in substantial harmony with the Republican National Platform of 1860; and President Lincoln in his Inaugural of March 4, 1861. said that he had no objection to this provision of implied constitutional law "being made express and irrevocable."

But the leaders of the secession movement scorned the guaranty. Their answer was: "If the Republicans should give us a blank sheet of paper upon which to write the condition of reannexation to the defunct Union, we would scornfully spurn the overture." Thus the strife, now become incurable but by blood, became a legacy from the Buchanan to the Lincoln administration. The amendment, ratified at once by the legislatures of Maryland and Ohio, was quickly forgotten in the march of events.