into the causes of such unprecedented advancement. A few feeble Colonial subjects, in less than a century, becoming one of the great powers of the world, with the prospect of attaining the highest place among the nations, in much less time than it has taken them to gain their present position.

That we have a very extensive territory is true; that we have a diversified climate, a productive soil, with many long and navigable rivers on which to float our productions to market, and that we have inexhaustible mines of coal and minerals of almost every kind, including gold and silver, is true. But we might have all these, and still remain an insignificant people among the families of the earth, for all these have been possessed by nations who have retrograded instead of advanced.

In our case, a wise, just and liberal government has been the principal cause of our progress, and our present and prospective greatness.

No human government is perfect, neither can exact and equal justice be done in every case by human laws. But the scope and design of our legislation and jurisprudence is to dispense justice to all, to place all on an equality before the laws, and to give the same rights to the rich and to the poor. No privileged class is known to our laws, and the lowest may aspire to the highest places of distinction and honor; many have done so, and have reached the most exalted positions. The fullest religious liberty is granted to all; every man may worship as he pleases, when and where he pleases, without molestation or fear. He is not as in

many other countries taxed to support a church established by law. He may pay for religious purposes as much or as little as he pleases, and to any church he prefers, or he may pay nothing, and no one can call him to account or use any compulsion whatever in this

matter.

Every citizen has a vote for the choice of his rulers, and through his representatives a voice in making the laws by which he is governed.

As to his business or calling, he may do that which best suits his interests or his tastes. He may go when or where he desires, he may stay in the country or leave it without restraint or hindrance; in short, he may do whatsoever seemeth good to him, provided he does not infringe on the rights of others.

To this liberty, to these equal rights, privileges and advantages do we attribute our rapid growth and power. The advantages and benefits of so wise, so liberal and so beneficient a government are not unknown to the people of other countries where they do not enjoy so much freedom; and this accounts for the wonderful immigration to the United States from nearly every country in Europe. This flow has continued for more than three quarters of a century, and is still unabated. It has added many millions to the natural increase of our population, while very few of our own people ever leave their own country with the hope of bettering their condition, or of finding a government under which they can enjoy more liberty or better protection. To gain a clearer conception of the intimate connection between a good government and

the prosperity of the country, let us, for example, place Mexico in contrast with the United States. Mexico was settled long before the United States, and in climate and mineral wealth has the advantage of us; yet the ever unsettled condition of its government, together with intolerance of any but the Catholic religion, has prevented any increase of population or any advancement in any thing which gives a nation respectability, greatness or power.

Let us draw another contrast by considering Ireland. An oppressive government has diminished the population, prevented any advancement, and impoverished the country. We might draw many such contrasts between the United States and other countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and South America, which would convince any one who has the power to trace causes to effects, and effects to causes, that a just and liberal government is an essential condition upon which the prosperity of any country depends.

Yet

But after all the good we find inhering in our Republican institutions, we have to admit that some things are wrong; that like all other human institutions, errors and imperfections are found in them. what friend to humanity would raise an impious hand to overthrow that in which so much good is found? Let him rather labor to preserve the good, and to correct the remaining evil. Neither our Constitution nor our laws are like the laws of the Medes and Persians, which change not; but may be altered whenever a majority of the people desire it.

And if our people grow in intelligence, wisdom and patriotism, is it not to be hoped that they will preserve what is good, correct what is wrong, and thus perfect and perpetuate our government until it shall become a model worthy of imitation by the people and nations of the whole earth?

CHAPTER II.

The Constitution.

After the Seven Years' war, spoken of in the foregoing chapter, (generally known by the name of the Revolutionary war,) was over and peace restored, the people found themselves without any government, or if the Confederation under which the Colonies had managed to act together during the war, might be called a government, it was certainly inadequate to the wants of a people who had just become independent; and who needed a stronger bond of union than that which had held them together during the struggle for liberty, when a common danger and a common enemy served as a bond during their perilous condition. To supply this want a convention from all the States was called together to draw up a Constitution, which should form such a union, and at the same time be a basis which would support a well organized government. This convention met and performed the task assigned. It framed the Constitution of the United States, about which we subjoin the following remarks.

1. The Constitution of the United States was finished and signed on the 17th day of September, 1787. It was framed by a convention of the greatest and wisest men in the nation at that time, or perhaps at any time. They were chosen for that express purpose, and represented each of the thirteen States excepting Rhode

Island, which had no representation in the convention, and sat several months deliberating on the great work before them. George Washington was the president of the convention; and in the Constitution a clause was inserted declaring that the ratification of it by nine States should be sufficient to establish its authority over all, for although made by the men chosen for that purpose, it was not considered binding upon the people, until it had been sanctioned by three-fourths of the States. This was subsequently done, and the work of the convention became the charter of our liberties, and the great foundation stone of one of the most magnificent structures ever erected by the genius and wisdom of man.

2. The ratification of the Constitution by the several States necessarily required time. Hence the government established by its provisions did not go into operation till March, 1789. In the mean time General Washington had been chosen the first President of the United States, and a Congress had been elected in conformity with the provisions of the new and as yet untried Constitution. The President was inaugurated, the first Congress assembled in the city of New York, and the government of the United States was put into operation.

3. But before the first session of Congress closed, it was thought by a majority of the body that the Constitution in the shape in which the convention had left it, was defective, and that there should be several additions or amendments made to it. In conformity with this opinion ten amendments were proposed and passed