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What is the explanation of this, the most wonderful fact in our history-the fact that placing the ballot in the hands of nearly a million of men, of all others the least qualified to perform this high function of citizenship, has not before this time destroyed the Republic? And what reasons have we for the hope that our institutions may continue to survive such trials of their stability? Statesmen and philosophers can, no doubt, give us learned and profound answers. There are some that will occur to plain people who reflect on these subjects: I. Ours is a new country; it offers large opportunity, outside of politics, for the expenditure of restless energy. 2. The American people are, as a class, intensely practical. They are not swept away by a craze. Emotional revolutions, like some that have occurred in France, are impossible in this country. 3. The form and genius of our government make it capable of vast adjustability. 4. The preponderance of Christian principle and sentiment has done more to save us than any other characteristic of our people or government. 5. Above all, the providence of God.

Whether the next generation shall witness the continuance of good government depends largely upon a condition not now satisfied, namely, the education of these untaught voters. (I do not forget the great and sore need of the education of all white voters, also, wherever found.) If we of to

day take the matter in hand as we ought, and teach these new citizens and voters all that we can teach them of their duties, and prepare them for their performance as well as we can prepare them, our children will" rise up and call us blessed." But is it irreverent to ask, Whether we may rely upon divine Providence to continue to bless us if we are unfaithful to the plain duties that are pressing upon us? Providence blesses the use of right

means to good ends.

The fact that the emancipated negro was a voter, and that practically his vote was not his own, made the struggle hard for the new citizen from 1865 to 1880. It will never be, in some respects, at least, so hard for him again, unless there is unexampled stupidity somewhere. For now his vote is sought in the South. It has been divided once, in some States, at least. Henceforth it will be divided many times; it is almost certain that it will never be "solid" again. It may be, in some localities, better for the new citizen's personal safety; perhaps it will be worse for his morals. Wise men will see danger here; would that they knew how to meet it!

Free man and citizen our colored brother is, and so he will remain. He will never be re-enslaved; he will never be disfranchised. It may come about some day that the South will be exceedingly zealous in defending his right to vote, and that the

North will realize, in ways not agreeable, the tremendous power of the black man's ballot. The time may come when the North will have sore need of patience with this voter, as the South has had sore need for these years. Will the North be wiser or more patient? They think so. not be disappointed in themselves! grace be given to our brethren of the North when the trial of their faith comes! They will need it as the South has needed it.

May they May great

This vote will be "counted;" the North may depend on this. There may, for a long time, or for all time, be local exceptions, as there may be, and as there have been, exceptions in New York, and in other great cities; but, in the long run, and as a rule, the black man's vote will be counted. On this point our Northern friends may dismiss their fears. What they say ought to be done the Southern whites will soon say must be done. While I am writing this chapter an active canvass is going on in my own county, Newton, for county officers. Our men are patriotic and willing to serve their country in office. There is no lack of candidates; I suppose there never will be. All

told, there must be more than twenty men interested in the result. Parties are confusedly mixed. The candidate for Clerk of the County Court has no opposition, and he is the leading Republican in the county. One of the candidates for sheriff was

in the old days a slave-holder, and he will secure the largest negro vote, although he is rated as a "stalwart" Democrat.* All these candidates are

courting the negro vote. In their eyes, as to this election at least, “a negro is as good as a white man," if not somewhat better. Nothing is more certain than that every negro vote deposited in Covington and at other precincts in this county, day after to-morrow, January 5, 1881, will be counted. And on that day the negro vote will be courted and divided and counted all over Georgia.

North and South, those who are jealous of the purity of the ballot-box will, in the management of the intricate and difficult questions involved in our elections, need all the sense and virtue and patience and courage that are in them.

* He was elected, the majority of negroes voting for him, as was anticipated.

T

CHAPTER IX.

THE TIME ELEMENT IN THIS PROBLEM.

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O my purpose, not to discuss "dead issues' here or elsewhere, I adhere. If history feels obliged to exhume the dead, let those do the work who find pleasure in it. But to know what the living issues are, to get fairly hold of the problems of to-day and of to-morrow-for our children's children will not see the end of it—it is needful to look back a little at events since the war.

Of all parties, especially of two, the Northern and the Southern whites, some things should be said in perfect good temper and fairness.

First of all, to go no further back, there has been, since April, 1865, a great folly and a great heat on both sides. The North has gone too fast, the South too slow. The conquerors have been impatient, after the manner of conquerors; the conquered have been sore under their yoke, and reluctant to "accept the situation," after the manner of conquered people. Sometimes, when it would have been wiser to have pulled up the steep hill the heavy loads put upon us, we have pulled rather against both "yoke and bows," hurting our galled

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