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On gold and silver ware, plate, jewels, and watches, ten per cent. The tax to be levied on the value of property in 1860, except in the case of land, slaves, cotton, and tobacco, purchased since January 1st, 1862, upon which the tax shall be levied on the price paid.

SEC. 2. A tax of five per cent on the value of all shares in joint stock companies of any kind, whether incorporated or not. The shares to be valued at their market value at the time of assessment.

SEC. 3. Upon the market value of gold and silver coin or bullion, five per cent.; also the same upon moneys held abroad, or all bills of exchange drawn therefor.

A tax of five per cent. on all solvent credits, and on all bank bills and papers used as currency, except non-interest bearing Confederate Treasury notes, and not employed in a registered business taxed twenty-five per cent.

The same on the purchase and sale of coin, exchange, stocks, notes, and credits of any kind, and any property not included in the foregoing.

the provisions of the "Act to lay taxes for the common defense and carry on the Governinent of the Confederate States," approved April 24, 1863, and the act amendatory thereof, approved February 17, 1864, shall, in addition to the one tenth required by said acts to be paid as a tax in kind, deliver to the Confederate Government, of the products of the present year and of the year 1865, one other tenth of the several products taxed in kind by the acts aforesaid, which additional one tenth shall be ascertained, assessed and collected, in all respects, as is provided by law for the said tax in kind, and shall be paid for, on delivery, by the Post Quartermasters in the several districts at the assessed value thereof, except that payment for cotton and tobacco shall be made by the agents of the Treasury Department appointed to receive the same.

SEC. 2. The supplies necessary to the support of the producer and his family, and to carry on his ordinary business, SEC. 4. Profits in trade and business taxed as follows: shall be exempted from the contribution required by the On the purchase and sale of agricultural products and preceding section, and from the additional impressments mercantile wares generally, from January 1, 1863, to Jan-authorized by the act: Provided, however, That nothing mary 1, 1865, ten per cent in addition to the tax under the herein contained shall be construed to repeal or affect the act of April 24, 1863. provisions of an act entitled "An act to authorize the impressment of meat for the use of the army, under certain circumstances," approved Feb. 17, 1864, and if the amount of any article or product so necessary cannot be agreed upon between the assessor and the producer, it shall be ascertained and determined by disinterested freeholders of the vicinage, as is provided in cases of disagreement as to the estimates and assessments of tax in kind. If required by the assessor, such freeholder shall ascertain whether a producer, who is found unable to furnish the additional one tenth of any one product, cannot supply the deficiency by the delivery of an equivalent in other products, and upon what terms such commutation shall be made Any commutation thus awarded shall be enforced and collected, in all respects, as is provided for any other contribution required by this act.

On the amount of profits exceeding twenty-five per cent. of any bank, banking company, or joint stock company of any description, incorporated or not, twenty-five per cent. on such excess.

SEC. 5. The following are exempted from taxation: Five hundred dollars' worth of property for each head of a family, and a hundred dollars additional for each minor child; and for each son in the army or navy, or who has fallen in the service, and a member of the family when he enlisted, the further sum of $500.

One thousand dollars of the property of the widow or minor children of any officer, soldier, sailor, or marine, who has died in the service.

A like amount of property of any officer, soldier, sailor, or marine, engaged in the service, or who has been disabled therein, provided said property, exclusive of furniture, does not exceed in value $1,000.

When property has been injured or destroyed by the enemy, or the owner unable temporarily to use or occupy it by reason of the presence or proximity of the enemy, the assessment may be reduced in proportion to the damage sustained by the owner, and the tax in the same ratio by the district collector.

SEC. 6. The taxes on property for 1864 to be assessed as on the day of the passage of this act, and collected the 1st of June next, with ninety days extension west of the Mississippi. The additional tax on incomes or profits for 1863, to be paid forthwith; the tax on incomes, &c., for 1864, to be collected according to the acts of 1863.

SEC. 7. Exempts from tax on income for 1864, all property herein taxed ad valorem. The tax on Confederate bonds in no case to exceed the interest payable on the same; and said bonds exempt from tax when held by minors or lunatics, if the interest do not exceed one thousand dollars.

THE TAX LAW.

We learn that, according to the construction of the recent tax law in the Treasury Department, tax payers will be required to state the articles and objects subjected to a specific or ad valorem tax, held, owned, or possessed by them on the 17th day of February, 1864, the date of the

act.

The daily wages of detailed soldiers and other employés of the Government are not liable to taxation as income, although they may amount, in the aggregate, to the sum of $1,000 per annum.

SEC. 3. The Secretary of War may, at his discretion, decline to assess, or, after assessment, may decline to collect the whole or any part of the additional one tenth herein provided for, in any district or locality; and it shall be his duty promptly to give notice of any such determination, specifying, with reasonable certainty, the district or locality and the product, or the proportion thereof, as to which be so declines.

SEC. 4. The products received for the contribution herein required, shall be disposed of and accounted for in the same manner as those received for the tax in kind; and the Secre tary of War may, whenever the exigencies of the public service will allow, authorize the sale of products received from either source, to public officers or agents charged in any Stato with the duty of providing for the families of soldiers. Such sale shall be at the prices paid or assessed for the products sold, including the actual cost of collections.

SEC. 5. If, in addition to the tax in kind and the contribution herein required, the necessities of the army or the good of the service shall require other supplies of food or forage, or any other private property, and the same cannot be procured by contract, then impressments may be made of such supplies or other property, either for absolute ownership or for temporary use, as the public necessities may require. Such impressments shall be made in accordance with the provisions, and subject to the restrictions of the existing impressment laws, except so far as is herein otherwise provided.

SEC. 6. The right and the duty of making impressments charged in the several districts with the assessment and colis hereby confided exclusively to the officers and agents lection of the tax in kind and of the contribution herein required; and all officers and soldiers in any department of the army are hereby expressly prohibited from undertak

A tax additional to both the above was im- ing in any manner to interfere with theso officers and posed as follows, June 1, 1864:

A bill to provide supplies for the army, and to prescribe the mode of making impressments.*

SEC. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, Every person required to pay a tax in kind, under

That foreigners resident within the Confederate States shall not be required to pay, except from the aforesaid articles produced by or for them, or from income or profits derived from business conducted by them within those States; nor shall any tax be levied upon the produce of residents where the total value of such products during said years is less than $500; nor shall any tax be levied on the income of residents where the total value of such income is less than $500.

The Georgia Supreme Court has made an important decision in the case of impressment of sugar in the hands of a merchant. One of the points was that "the Congress of

agents in any part of their duties in respect to the tax in kind, the contribution, or the impressment herein provided for: Provided, That this prohibition shall not be applicable to any district, county, or parish in which there shall be no officer or agent charged with the appointment and collection of the tax in kind.

SEC. 7. Supplies or other property taken by impressment shall be paid for by the post quartermasters in the several districts, and shall be disposed of and accounted for by them as is required in respect to the tax in kind and the contr bution herein required: and it shall be the duty of the post quartermasters to equalize and apportion the impressments within their districts, as far as practicable, so as to avoid oppressing any portion of the community.

the Confederate States have the constitutional power to authorize, by statute, the accumulation of supplies for future use of the army by impressment, where holders refuse to sell at fair prices: Provided, 'Just compensation' be made or tendered to the owner."

SEC 8. If any one not authorized by law to collect the tax in kind or the contribution herein required, or to make impreusments, shall undertake, on any pretence of such authority, to size or impress, or to collect or receive any such property, or shall, on any such pretence, actually obtsin such property, he shall, upon conviction thereof, be punished by fine not exceeding five times the value of such property, and be imprisoned not exceeding five years, at the discretion of the court having jurisdiction. And it shall be the duty of all officers and agents charged with the assessment and collection of the tax in kind and of the contribution herein required, promptly to report, through the post quartermasters in the several districts, any viola

tion or disregard of the provisions of this act by any officer or soldier in the service of the Confederate States. SEC. 9. That it shall not be lawful to impress any sheep, milch cows, brood mares, stud horses, jacks, bulls, or other stock kept or necessary for raising horses, mules, or cattle. The following is the vote by which the bill passed the Senate:

YEAS Messrs. Caperton, Graham, Haynes, Jemison, Johnson (Ark.), Johnson (Mo.), Mitchel, Orr, Walker, Watson-10. NAYS-Messrs. Baker, Burnett, Henry, Hunter, Maxwell, Semmes, Sparrow-7.

MISCELLANEOUS.

The President on Colonization, in Au- | and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have

gust, 1862.

1862, August 14-The President received a deputation of colored persons relative to emigration. The interview is thus reported:

WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, August 14, 1862. This afternoon the President of the United States gave an audience to a committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M. Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had to say to them.

Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be separated. You here are freemen, I suppose.

A VOICE-Yes, sir.

The PRESIDENT-Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact, with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition. Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not recount to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present condition-the country engaged in war! our white men cutting one another's throats -none knowing how far it will extend-and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war, although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat, without the institution of slavery, and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence. It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free men among you who, even if they could better their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe that you can live in Washington, or elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more so than you can in any foreign country,

nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. There is an

unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now if you could give a start to the white people you would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usages of the world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.

The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and les■ than in some of our larger ones. They are not all Amer ican colonists or their descendants. Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased. The question is, if the colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for unwillingness to do so is, that some of you would rather remain within reach of the coun try of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to them at all events. The place I am thinking about having for a colony is in Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia-not much more than one fourth as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is a great line of travel-it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources and advantages, and especially be cause of the similarity of climate with your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition. The particular place I have in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are harbors among the finest in the world. Again, there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad show; and so where there is nothing to cultivate, and of

which to make a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an enterprise. To return-you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the country, including the coal mines. We have been mis

assigned him to the command of the Seventeenth Army Corps.

IN SENATE.

June 15-The Judiciary Committee reported this resolution:

IN HOUSE.

June 13-The Committee on Elections made a report, and submitted these resolutions:

Resolved, That ROBERT C. SCHENCK, having resigned the office of Major General of Volunteers which he then held on the 13th day of November, 1863, which resignation was. accepted November 21, 1863, to take effect December 5, 1863, was not, by reason of having held such office, disqualified from holding a seat as a Representative in the ThirtyEighth Congress, whose first session commenced on the 7th day of December, 1863.

taken all our lives if we do not know whites, as well as blacks, look to their self-interest. Unless among those de- Resolved, That an officer of the United States whose resficient of intellect, everybody you trade with makes some-ignation has been duly accepted and taken effect, or who, thing. You meet with these things here and everywhere. having been elected a member of either House of Congress, If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, qualifies and enters on the discharge of the duties of a the question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to member, is thereby, in either case, out of the office previyou? You are intelligent and know that success does not ously held, and cannot be restored to it without a new apas much depend on external help as on self-reliance. Much, pointment, in the manner prescribed by the Constitution. therefore, depends upon yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for your self-reliance. I June 30-This resolution passed without a shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have pro- division. vision made that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think with care we can succeed. The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you should be the equals of the best. The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, and able to cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find twenty-five able bodied men, with a mixture of women and children-good things in the family relation, I think-I could make a successful commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great importance-worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the present time, but as one of the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind-not confined to the present generation, but as

"From age to age descends the lay

To millions yet to be,

Till far its echoes roll away

Into eternity."

The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks.

The chairman of the delegation briefly replied, that "they would hold a consultation, and in a short time give an answer." The President said, "Take your full time-no hurry at all."

The delegation then withdrew.

It was proposed to settle these persons on a tract of country in New Grenada, but that Government objected, and no further attempt has been made in that direction. (For further particulars see page 212.)

Incompatibility of Civil and Military
Office.

Resolved, That FRANCIS P. BLAIR, Jr., by continuing to hold the office of Major General of Volunteers to which he was appointed November 29, 1862, and to discharge the duties thereof till January 1, 1864, the date of his resignation, did thereby decline and disqualify himself to hold the office of Representative in the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the first session of which commenced on the first Monday in December, 1863.

June 29-They were adopted without a division.

Repeal of the Fishing Bounties.

First Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. Pending the consideration of a tax bill in the Senate,

July 29, 1861, Mr. SAULSBURY moved to add this section:

That from and after the 6th day of October, 1861, all acts and parts of acts granting allowances or bounties on the tonnage of vessels employed in the bank or other cod fisheries, be, and the same are hereby, repealed.

Which was rejected-yeas 15, nays 19, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Browning, Carlile, Chandler, Doolittle, Grimes, Harlan, Johnson of Missouri, Polk, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Sherman, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Willey-15. NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harris, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilson-19.

Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.

IN SENATE.

1863, Feb. 2-Pending the legislative bill, Mr. POWELL offered this new section:

That all laws or parts of laws allowing or giving bounties on the tonnage of vessels engaged in the cod or other bank fisheries, be, and the same are hereby, repealed.

Which was rejected-yeas 8, nays 35, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Kennedy, Powell, Richardson, Sherman, Turpie, Wall, Wilson of Missouri-8.

ROBERT C. SCHENCK and FRANCIS P. BLAIR, Jr., were elected in the fall of 1862 members of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the first named then being a Major General. The latter was commissioned a Brigadier, and then a Major General, subsequently to the election. The former resigned his commission November 13, 1863, to take his seat in Congress, the resignation to have effect December 5, 1863; the Pres-mer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, ident accepted it November 21. The latter resigned January 1, 1864, which the President accepted January 12, giving it effect that day. He took the oath of office as Representative in Congress, January 12. April 23, he requested to withdraw his resignation as Major General of olunteers; and, same day, the President bill being under consideration in the Senate,

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Colla-
Grimes, Hale, Harding, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, Howard,
Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Latham,
Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Mass-35.
Mc Dougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rice, Sumner, Trumbull,

First Session, Thirty-Eighth Congress.
1864, April 12-The Naval appropriation

Mr. POWELL offered the following as a new section:

That from and after the first day of July, 1864, all acts and parts of acts granting allowances or bounties on the tonnage of vessels engaged in the Bank or other cod fisheries be, and the same are hereby, repealed.

Which was rejected-yeas 18, nays 20, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Buckalew, Cowan, Davis, Harding, Harlan, Henderson, Hendricks, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Powell, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Willey, Wright-18.

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Conness, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harris, Howe, Johnson, Morgan, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilson-20.

May 31-Pending the Internal Revenue bill, Mr. POWELL offered the same section, which was rejected-yeas 11, nays 24, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Buckalew, Conness, Davis, Grimes, Hendricks, Nesmith, Powell, Richardson, Saulsbury, Sherman, Trumbull-11.

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Van Winkle, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson-24.

To prohibit Polygamy in Utah. Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. IN HOUSE.

that he had neither voluntarily renounced his allegiance to the Government of the United States nor yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, pow. er, or constitution, hostile or inimical thereto; that he will support and defend the Constitution and Government of the United States and all laws made in pursuance thereof, against all enemies, foreign or domestic; bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that he takes the obligation without any mental reservation or evasion; and that he will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which he is about to enter. This oath is to be preserved among the files of the court, House of Congress, or depart ment to which such office may appertain; and any person falsely taking such oath shall be guilty of perjury, and on conviction thereof, shall, in addition to the penalties now prescribed, be deprived of his office, and rendered incapable forever thereafter of holding any office under the GovThe NAYS were:

ernment of the United States.

Yeas 78, nays 47.

Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Jacob B. Blair, George H. Browne, Calvert, Casey, Cobb, Corning, Cox, Dunlap, Eng lish, Grider, Haight, Harding, Holman, Johnson, Kerrigan, Knapp, Law, May, Menzies, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Richardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Segar, Shiel, Smith, John B. Seele, William G. Steele, Stiles, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Vallan digham, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Woodruff, Wright-47.

June 23―The bill was amended and passed in the Senate-yeas 23,nays 5, (Messrs. Bayard, Carlile, Kennedy, Powell, Saulsbury.)

June 24-The House non-concurred in the amendments of the Senate. A Committee of Conference arranged the differences, and their report, being the existing law, was adopted in the House without a division, and in the Senate-yeas 27, nays 8, (Messrs. Bayard, Carlile, Davis, Henderson, Nesmith, Powell, Saulsbury,

1862, April 28--The House passed, without a division, a bill to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the territorial legisla-Stark.) ture of Utah. (It is the identical bill passed at the first session of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, with the difference that this bill strikes out the exception of the District of Columbia from its provisions, which was contained in the other.) June 3--The bill, amended, passed the Senate-yeas 37, nays 2, (Messrs. Latham and McDougall.)

Bill to Punish Conspiracies.

The bill to define and punish conspiracies provides that if two or more persons within any State or Territory of the United States shall conspire together to overthrow, or to put down, or to destroy by force, the Government of the United States, or to levy war against the United States, or to oppose by force the authority of the Government of the United States; or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of any law of the United States; or by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States

Declaring Certain Persons Ineligible against the will, or contrary to the authority of the United

to Office.

Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.

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IN HOUSE.

States; or by force, or intimidation, or threat, to prevent any person from accepting or holding any office, or trust, or place of confidence, under the United States; each and every person so offending shall be guilty of a high crime, and upon conviction in any district or circuit court of the United States having jurisdiction, or district or supreme

1861, December 23-Mr. MOORHEAD offered court of any Territory of the United States having jurisdic this resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to Inquire into the expediency of reporting a bill providing that any person or persons engaged or implicated in the present rebellion against the Constitution of the United States be forever hereafter rendered ineligible to hold any office under the Constitution and laws of the United States. 1862, March 13-Mr. WILSON gave notice of a bill declaring certain persons ineligible to office.

June 4-The House passed a bill declaring certain persons ineligible to office.

It provides that any person elected or appointed to any office of honor or profit under the Government of the United Btates, either in the civil, military, or naval department, shall, before entering on the duties of such office, and before being entitled to any of the salary or other emoluments thereof, take and subscribe an oath that he had never voluntarily borne arms against the Government of the United States since he had been a citizen thereof; had voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; had never sought or accepted or attempted to exercise the functions of any office whatever under any authority or pretended au

thority in hostility to the Government of the United States;

tion, shall be punished by a fine not less than $500 and not more than $5,000, or by imprisonment, solitary or social, and with or without hard labor, as the court shall determ ine, for a period not less than six months nor greater than six years; or by both such fine and imprisonment.

1861, July 15-It passed the House-yeas 123, nays 7, (Messrs. Ashley, Burnett, Diven, Edgerton, Goodwin, Pomeroy, Wood.) July 26-The bill passed the Senate without a division.

Same day-Mr. POWELL presented this protest against its passage:

Protest of the minority of the Senate of the United States
against the passage of the House bill No. 45, entitled “An
act to define and punish certain conspirators."
The undersigned, members of the Senate, dissent from the
passage of the bill on the following grounds:

The government of the United States is a Government of specially delegated powers; and though treason is one of the highest crimes known to the law, it is a political offence. To guard against the abuses which in times of high ex citement had, in the history of England previous to the rev olution of 1688, too often sacrificed able, virtuous, and innocent men on charges of treason and kindred offences, unaccompanied by acts, the Constitution of the United

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