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as inconclusive. The weak points of “ the Book of Fallacies” may therefore be considered as these: a certain degree of unsatisfactoriness arising from the work not containing all that we are led to expect ; a dimi. nution of the raciness of the original by tormenting it out of its original form ; occasional passages of weakness and common place, the joinings of the editor, or paragraphs retained which Bentham would mercilessly have lopped away

Taking the work, however, as an exposure of the political fallacies most prevalent in English society, by tracing them to their source, and throwing a broad glare of light upon their futility and irrelevancy, the work is invaluable as a manual of political knowledge, and as affording us a picture of the pure, benevolent, playful, firm, clear-sighted, comprehensive, powerful mind of the author. The materials of Bentham are distributed among an introduction and five parts. The introduction contains an exposition of the nature of fallacies in general, and political fallacies in particular; of the nature and rationale of the classification of them adopted in the book; and hints respecting the importance of a good system of nomenclature. The object of the work is further illustrated by contrasting it with Hamilton's parliamentary logic. The fifth and con. cluding part resumes the consideration of this subject, points out the character common to all fallacies, the causes of their utterance, the particular demand for them created by the peculiarities of English government and society, and the utility of their exposure. The four intermediate parts are devoted to the exposition of particular fallacies. The editor regards all fallacies as calculated either to repress inquiry altogether, and that either by an appeal to authority or by intimidation ; or to postpone in. quiry ; or to confuse the minds of hearers when inquiry can no longer be avoided. The chapter on the Fallacies of Authority opens with a beautiful and satisfactory dissertation on the nature of authority, and the cases in which any appeal to it is fallacious. Sophistical appeals to authority are included under four heads : appeals to the wisdom of our ancestors ; appeals to irrevocable laws and promissory oaths; appeals to precedents; assumption of authority on the part of the speaker, and praises of the authors of the measure defended. All attempts to repress investigation by fallacious inuendoes of dangerous results are included under five heads :—the device of repressing inquiry by attri. buting bad motives to those who demand it; the old-wifish clamour of no innovation ; the timid question, “ what is at the bottom ?” even of the least dubious plan of amelioration ; the confusion of the personality of bad officers with the benefits of the duties they have to discharge ; and brow-beating threats. The fallacies employed to obtain delay, the object of which always is final frustration, are, that there has been no complaint made ; that people still more unfortunate than the complainants may easily be found ; that it is not yet time; that it is dan. gerous to undertake too many things at once; that some other measure, (neither matured nor preferred,) would be more advantageous than that suggested. The fourth part contains by far the most numerous assortment of fallacies ; almost all that may be employed to confuse and distract debaters, when discussion can no longer be delayed ; questionbegging appellatives,” “impostor terms,” “ vague generalities," “sweeping classifications,” and the like. The arrangement, which we do not mean to describe as bad, but simply not such as Bentham might have made it, serves to aid the memory; and most of the topics are treated in the great author's happiest manner. The collection exhausts and ex

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poses the predominant fallacies with which men have hitherto been so fond to deceive themselves, and is at once the best guide to political thinking that has been published, and the best key to the author's more techni. cal works. It ought to be mastered by every one who is anxious to discharge the duties of a citizen.

It is, however, chiefly as illustrating some of the most prominent features of Bentham's intellectual character that we have selected this work for the theme of our introductory essay. Of these the first in importance is that unwinking steadiness with which he always gazes on the sun of truth; that quiet prompitude with which, in the most ravelled question, he comes always to the right conclusion. This was the characteristic of his mind from boyhood until death. Its first fruit was his searching investigation of the English Church establishment ; its next, his resignation of the practice of the law for the nobler task of teaching what law ought to be. He had but one object in life, to discover truth and to declare it. He could not blink a conviction for the attainment of any object. This characteristic disqualified him from influencing the immediate workings of a society, over which passion, with its motley array of half-truths and in. trigues, exercised an unlimited sway. But it enabled him to shew how much better and nobler a being man might be; and his example spread with an insensible contagion. Already his modes of thought are catching hold of those who are not aware of it, and ere long they will be at least professed by all.

His wide comprehension and yet microscopic power of attention to details which have already been in some measure alluded to, will appear more clearly when we come to consider his more important writings. But there is one feature of his mind which must not here be passed over in silence, and that is its essentially practical character. His views on the sphere of theory's utility may be best expressed by himself :The fear of theory has, to a certain extent, its foundation in reason. a

There is a general propensity in those who adopt this or that theory to push it too far : i. e. to set up a general proposition which is not true until certain exceptions have been taken out of it,—to set it up without any of those exceptions,—to pursue it without regard to the exceptions, and thence, pro tanto, in cases in which it is false, fallacious, repugnant to reason aud utility.

The propensity thus to push theory too far is acknowledged to be almost universal.

But what is the just inference ? Not that theoretical propositions, i. e. propositions of considerable extent, should from such their extent be concluded to be false in toto: but only that in the particular case, inquiry should be made, whether, supposing the proposition to be in the character of a general rule generally true, there may not be a case in which, to reduce it within the limits of truth, reason and utility, an exception ought to be taken out of it.

Every man's knowledge is, in its extent, proportioned to the extent as well as number of those general propositions, of the truth of which, they being true, he has the persuasion in his own mind : in other words, the extent of these his theories comprises the extent of his knowledge.

If, indeed, his theories are false, then, in proportion as they are extensive, he is the more deeply steeped in ignorance and error.

But from the mere circumstance of its being theoretical, by these enemies to knowledge, its falsehood is inferred as if it were a necessary consequence ; with as much reason as if from a man's speaking it were inferred, as a necessary consequence, that what he speaks must be false.

One would think, that in thinking there were something wicked or else unwise ; every body feels or fancies a necessity of disclaiming it. “I am not given to speculation."_“ I am no friend to theories.” Speculation, theory, what is it but thinking? Can a man disclaim speculation, can he disclaim theory, without disclaiming thought? If they do not mean thought, they mean nothing ; for unless it be a little more thought than ordinary, theory, speculation, mean nothing.

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VOL. II.

means.

To escape from the imputation of meditating destruction to mankind, a man must disclaim every thing that puts him above the level of a beast. A plan proposes a wrong end ; or the end being right, proposes a wrong set of

If this be what a man means, can he not say so? Would not what he says have somewhat more meaning—be a little more consistent with the principles of common sense—with common honesty--than saying of it that it is theoretical-that it is speculative?

All his writings are a practical commentary upon these views; and we may instance more particularly his Panopticon, and one of his latest productions, a letter addressed to the Commission for Inquiring into the State of the Law of Real Property, on the Subject of a General Register, printed in the Appendix to their Third Report. Not contented with suggesting a general plan of management, he inquires into the most minute financial details, and obviates every, the most trifling, physical obstacle to the realization of his ideas.

These are the qualifications which enabled him to select and store up the materials of thought, and to mature them into comprehensive and sagacious plans : we have now to advert to these characteristics which determined the mode of their enunciation. Nothing can be more absurd than the idea that Bentham's writings are dry, outré, and repulsive. In virtue of their subject they are not to be understood without the exertion of continuous and painful attention ; but those who are able to bring this power to their perusal will encounter no other difficulty. Bentham devoted his faculties to the elucidation of the science of legislation, and his first great endeavour is to make himself clearly understood. He observes the most strict precision of language. He is technical, for otherwise no man can be accurate ; but his technicalities are based upon scientific views and the nature of his subject, not upon slovenly and meaningless hereditary usage. In treating of details, he keeps constantly in view their reference to the whole structure, and refers to what has been already said, or to what yet remains to be told at every step of his progress. Yet this anxious striving after perspicuity and completeness never interferes with the manly dignity of his nervous style. Beyond any writer of the day, he possesses that most necessary ingredient of true and resistless eloquence, the power of condensing all the bearings of his subject into one brief survey. His words are weighty and imposing as oracles. In his illustrations he evinces a rich flow of fancy, and frequently a quick sense of the beautiful. His flow of humour, when he gives way 'to it, is worthy of Butler, and his sarcasm is withering. And on every occasion, these powers, which of all are the most apt to run riot and carry away their owner, are kept in the most strict and beautiful subordina. tion to the end they are directed to attain.*

A few specimens of Bentham's style are here added, less by way of justifying what has been said than of inviting attention to the writings, of which they are scarcely fair specimens. The following fine piece of declamation may not unjustly be called the sledge hammer.

Alive to possible-imaginable evils, dead to actual ones,-eagle-eyed to future contingent evils, blind and insensible to all existing ones—such is the character of the mind, to which a fallacy such as this can really have presented itself in the character of an argument possessing any the smallest claim to notice. To such a mind, that, by denial and sale of justice, anarchy, in so far as concerns nine-tenths of the people, is actually by force of law established ; and that it is only by the force of mo. rality, of such morality as all the punishments deuounced against sincerity, and all the reward applied for the encouragement of insincerity, have not been able to banish, that society is kept together ;—that to draw into question the fitness of great characters for their high situations, is in one man a crime, while to question their fitness so that their motives remain unquestioned is lawful to another ;—that the crime called libel remains undefined and undistinguishable, and the liberty of the press is defined to be the absence of that security which would be afforded to writers by the establishment of a licenser ;—that under a show of limitation, a government shall be in fact an absolute one, while pretended guardians are real accomplices, and at the nod of a king or a minister by a regular trained body of votes black shall be declared white ; miscarriage, success; mortality, health ; disgrace, honour; and notorious experienced imbecility, consummate skill ;-to such a mind, these, with other evils boundless in extent and number, are either not seen to be in existence, or not felt to be such. In such a mind, the horror of innovation is as really a disease as any to which the body in which it is seated is exposed. And in proportion as a man is afflicted with it, he is the enemy of all good, which, how urgent soever may be the demand for it, remains as yet to be done; nor can it be said to be completely cured of it, till he shall have learnt to take on each occasion, and without repugnance, general utility for the general end, and, to judge of whatever is proposed, in the character of a means conducive to that end.

* We must be understood as speaking here of Bentham's more finished writings. Even in his Sibylline leaves, however_his rude jottings--the internal lustre of the diamond sparkles through its rough outer coat.

Bentham's power of moral portraiture may be inferred from this passage :

Here and there a man of strong appetites, weak understanding, and stout heart, excepted, it might be affirmed with confidence that the most indigent and most ignorant would not be foolish enough to wish to see a complete dissolution of the bonds of government. In such a state of things, whatsoever he might expect to grasp for the moment, he would have no assured hope of keeping. Were he ever so strong, his strength, he could not but see, would avail him nothing against a momentarily confederated multitude ; nor in one part of his field against a swifter individual ravaging the opposite part, nor during sleep against the weakest and most sluggish : and for the purpose of securing himself against such continually impending disasters, let him suppose himself entered into an association with others for mutual security; he would then suppose himself living again under a sort of government.

Even the comparatively few who, for a source of subsistence, prefer depredation to honest industry, are not less dependent for their wretched and ever palpitating existence than the honest and industrious are for theirs, on that general security to which their practice creates exceptions. Be the momentary object of his rapacity what it may, what no one of them could avoid having a more or less distinct conception of, is, that it could not exist for him further than it is secured against others.

So far is it from being true, that no Government can exist consistently with such exposure, no good Government can exist without it.

We subjoin the following as a specimen of how his mind could at times revel in grotesque imagery.

According to Bishop Warburton's Alliance, the people in the character of the church, meeting with all themselves in the character of the state, agreed to invest the expounders of the sacred volume with a large share of the sovereignty. Against this system, the lawyers, their only rivals, were estopped from pleading its seditiousness in bar. In Catholic countries, the churchmen who compose holy mother church possess one beautiful female, by whom the people are governed in the field of spiritual law; within which has been enclosed as much as possible of profane law. By Protestants, on holy mother church the title of Whore of Babylon has been conferred : they recognise no holy mother church. But in England, churchmen, a large portion of them, compose two Almæ Matres Academia_kind Mother Academies or Universities. By ingenuity such as this is, out of “lubberly postmasters' boys” in any number, one “sweet Mrs. Anne Page" is composed, fit to be decked out in elements of amiability to any extent. The object and fruit of this ingenuity is the af. fording protection to all abuses and imperfections attached to this part of the official establishment. Church being so excellent a being, none but a monster can be an enemy, a foe, to her : Monster, i. e. anarchist, Jacobin, leveller, &c.

To every question having reform or improvement in view as to this part of the official establishment, the answer is one and the same." You are an enemy to the church :" for

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instance, among others, to such questions as follow : 1. What does this part of the official establishment do, but read or give further explanation to one book, of which more explanation has been given already than the longest life would suffice to hear ? 2. Does not this suppose a people incapable of being taught to read ? 3. Would it not be more read if each of them, being able to read, had it constantly by him to read all through, than by their being at liberty some of them to go miles to hear small parts of it ?

Sarcastic bitterness :

There is a particular sort of grin--a grin of malicious triumph-a grin made up of malicious triumph with a dash of concealed foreboding and trepidation at the bot. tom of it—that forms a natural accompaniment of this fallacy, when vented by any of the sworn defenders of abuse : and Milton, instead of cramming all his angels of the African complexion into the divinity school disputing about predestination, should have employed part of them at least in practising this grin, with the corresponding fallacy, before a looking-glass.

Proportioned to the difficulty of persuading men to regard a plan as otherwise than beneficial, supposing it carried into effect, is the need of all such arguments or phrases as present a chance of persuading them to regard it as impracticable : and accord. ing to the sort of man you have to deal with, you accompany it with the grin of triumph, or with the grimace of regret and lamentation.

There is a class of predictions, the tendency and object of which is to contribute to their own accomplishment; and in the number of them is the prediction involved in this fallacy. When objections on the ground of utility are hopeless, or have been made the most of, objections on the ground of practicability still present an addi. tional resource. By these, men who, being convinced of the utility of the plan, are in ever so great a degree well-wishers to it may be turned aside from it and the best garb to assume for the purpose of the attempt, is that of one who is a wellwisher likewise.

Till the examples are before his eyes, it will not be easy for a man who has not himself made the observation to conceive to what a pitch of audacity political improbity is capable of soaring : how completely, when an opportunity that seems favourable presents itself, the mask will sometimes be taken off ;---what thorough confi. dence there is in the complicity, or in the imbecility of hearers or readers.

Was the feeling of contempt ever more powerfully expressed than in his illustration of the folly of debating the question of Reform with men who, by their solemn oaths, and their desire to maintain their sta. tus in society, are bound to uphold the present system, in all its rottenness ?

To a man thus circumstanced, to talk reason would have something ungenerous in it and indecorous ; it would be as if a man should set about talking indecently to his wife and daughter.

Here close we our first lecture on the writings of our great master.

THE HOWDIE-ANENT BAIRNS.

No. II.

(Continued from page 714, vol. 1.) Although I have not in the foregoing head of my subject mentioned every extraordinary han’ling that came to me, yet I have noted the most remarkable ; and made it plain to my readers by that swatch of my professional work, that it is not an easy thing to be a midwife with repute, without the inheritance from nature of good common sense and discretion, over and above skill and experience. I shall now dedicate this second head, to a make-mention of such things as I have heard and

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