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INTENTIONS OF MINISTERS_With feelings of exultation, we congratulate our
readers on the rapid progress of the principle of Reform. By the elections, by the
press, by the speeches at meetings of Reformers, and by every other indication, it has
been made manifest that the spirit of Reform pervades the land. Of late, too, there
are gratifying symptoms of the Administration having chosen the better course, and
determined to proceed with the people, instead of stopping short in the good work,
and coalescing with the people's enemies. These symptoms had not appeared when
our leading article on “ Final Measures" went to press. If Ministers go with the
People, they may calculate upon a support which will enable them to laugh to scoru
all their opponents, in however high places they may sit.

POLITICAL Tactics.- To the proceedings of the New Parliament we look for-
ward with intense interest. We hope the Reformed House will work well for the
people. If not, after a fair trial, we must have an extension of the suffrage; in ad.
dition to Short Parliaments and the Ballot.

Altered circumstances call for altered political tactics. Supposing, as we do, that
the Ministry are to be on the side of the people, we think they should not be deterred
from bringing forward, or supporting a popular measure, from fear of its not being
carried at the first endeavour. Progress is made in the good cause, by every assault
on corruption. As a consequence of this new mode of ministerial procedure, minis-
ters should never think of resigning when left in a minority on a popular measure.

Our friends of the Political Unions we recommed to be watchful of the proceedings of
Parliament; without interfering, excepting upon very important occasions, otherwise
than by respectful petitions to the Legislature. Should the House of Commons be
found not to represent the people, the Unions will have something to do. Or should
the House of Commons and the Ministry be thwarted by the House of Hereditary
Legislators, a piece of duty will fall to the lot of the Unions as plain as it is im.
portant.

NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS.

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Communications for this Magazine may be addressed (post paid) to the Publisher,
at Edinburgh ; or to the care of Messrs. Simpkin and Marshall, Stationers' Hall
Court, London, who send the Publisher a parcel, by coach, every Saturday afternoon.

Copies of New Books, and New Music, for review, should be forwarded early, to
be sent by Messrs. Simpkin aud Marshall's weekly parcel. Every work of merit
sent, will be noticed in the Literary Register, or reviewed at length, if found of sufti-
cient interest. In future, particular attention shall be paid to all Medical Books
sent for review, and to Works relating to the Fine Arts.

Advertisements and Bills for the Magazine, require to be sent to Messrs.
Simpkin and Marshall by the 15th of the inonth at latest; if possible, they should
be sent by the 10th.

No better vehicle can be found than Tait's Magazine for any advertisement in-
tended to be extensively made known in Scotland and the north of England. Be.
sides a large private circulation, the Magazine goes to almost every circulating library,
reading room, and book club throughout that part of Britain. In total sale, Tait's
Edinburgh Magazine ranks next to Blackwood and the New Monthly. But the
Scottish sale of Tait's Magazine, the publisher has reason to believe, is equal to
that of either Blackwood or the Edinburgh Review.

The Letter of our esteemed Correspondent, JUNIUS REDIVIVUS, came too late for
insertion in this Number. Several other articles, advertisements, and books for re-
view, also were received too late ; the only steam vessel by which the Magazine could
be conveyed to London having sailed so early as the 19th inst.

Communications which have been found not to suit us, or for which we had not
space, have been returned, through Messi's. Simpkin and Marshall, London, and Mr.
Cumming, Dublin.

NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Communications for this Magazine may be addressed (post paid) to the Publisher, at Edinburgh; or to the care of Messrs. Simpkin and Marshall, Stationers' Hall Court, London, who send the Publisher a parcel, by coach, every Saturday afternoon.

r Copies of New Books, and New Music, for review, should be forwarded early, to be sent by Messrs. Simpkin and Marshall's weekly parcel. Every work of merit sent, will be noticed in the Literary Register, or reviewed at length, if found of sufficient interest. In future, particular attention will be paid to all Medical Books sent for review, and to works relating to the Fine Arts.

Advertisements and Bills for the Magazine, require to be sent to Messrs. Simpkin and Marshall by the 15th of the month at latest; if possible, they should be sent by the 10th.

No better vehicle can be found than Tait's Magazine for any advertisement intended to be extensively made known in Scotland and the North of England. Besides a large private circulation, the Magazine goes to almost every Circulating Library, Reading Room, and Book Club throughout that part of Britain. In total sale, Tait's Edinburgh Magazine ranks next to Blackwood and the New Monthly. But the Scottish sale of Tait's Magazine, the publisher has reason to believe, is equal to that of either Blackwood or the Edinburgh Review.

Communications which have been found not to suit us, or for which we had not space, have been returned, through Messrs. Simpkin and Marshall, London, and Mr. Cumming, Dublin.

Several approved articles, in both prose and verse have been necessarily postponed till our next number. Complaints have reached us, from various quarters, that the Magazine has not been received in proper time. We beg to mention that the delay is no fault of ours. The copies must be distributed by the persons through whose parcels they are forwarded.

TAIT’S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE,

THE MINISTRY AND THE PEOPLE.

It is high time that the present Ministers should be distinctly informed of the relation in which they stand, as well to their old opponents, as to the people at large. Their situation is a peculiar one in the annals of this country; and from many circumstances which have lately occurred, it is plain that they by no means understand its diffi. culties, or seem prepared to pursue that line of conduct which, on this trying occasion, can alone save them from defeat and disgrace. It is in no spirit of hostility that we now speak of them. Our part (and we are of the people) is not difficult of comprehension. Whatever may be the fate of the present Administration, that will remain unchanged. The objects we have to attain, will be more easy of attainment, should this administration still continue; therefore, though under every contingency our purposes and conduct will remain unchanged, we are desirous of maintaining the present state of the Government. Let not, therefore, that party which has taken to itself the comfortable appellation of moderate, believe us to be their enemies. Desiring their continuance in office, we are about to give them wholesome warning.

The present Ministry, then, should understand, that the conquest of the Reform Bill was no party achievement. It was not a victory of the Whigs over the Tories; of one portion of the aristocracy over another. Its purpose was not to benefit any mere section of the nation. The victory was one of the friends of good Government over those of bad Government; of the people over the aristocracy; and its purpose was the well-being of the whole. The ministers, whatever may be their own opinion of the matter, were not the chief actors of the drama; they were merely the ministerial instruments of that great whole, the nation. They might, and did in some cases, give expression to the popular will; but they acted in the subordinate capacity of servants to that will. Some there are, who have dared to lay this fact to their charge, and as matter of reproach. They who have shamelessly deemed that Government was not a trust, but a heritage ; who have considered the people as estate, to be worked for their own peculiar benefit ; these people acted

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consistently, when they sneered at the Ministers for obeying the voice of the nation. Such virtuous obedience they naturally considered folly, having always preferred the part of dishonest and idle masters to that of industrious and honest servants. But the ministers, by seeming to feel this accusation as a reproach, will assuredly give a handle to their enemies; who, without hesitation, will assert that they are either imbecile or knavish. This repudiation of their true office, it will be said by their enemies, proves either that they know not their true position, and then are they imbecile ; or that knowing it, they endeavour to escape from its obligations, and to deceive the people, and then it will be said they are knavish. To avoid these charges, they must steadily accept the taunts of their opponents; they must acknowledge that they are acting as the servants of the people. They must intrench them in this position, and then will they be inexpugnable.

If the present Ministry be considered in the light of a section of the aristocracy, seeking aristocratic purposes, and acting by aristocracy rules, then must every one, of common sagacity, perceive that their power is a mere shadow, and as compared with that of their opponents, thoroughly contemptible. The Tories (it is utter childishness to deny the fact,) are in truth the aristocracy. They correctly represent the feelings of the class, as a class ; they are backed by them; they are distinctly their acknowledged agents; and on this account alone, they would be formidable. But they are powerful on other grounds. They are not numerically strong ; but they are enormously rich. They thus are not disturbed by a multiplicity of councils; and what they resolve to attempt, lags not for want of money support. Moreover, the Tories, from long experience, are admirable men of business in their vocation ; or, speaking more correctly, they have hired and framed for themselves men admirably fitted for the offices which they impose on them. We must not judge of the party by some of its noisy, empty mouth-pieces. Sir Charles Wetherell, for example, is merely the buffoon of the party, and is no more a correct specimen of them than would a court fool be of a court. It must be acknowledged, that in permitting his extravagancies, the Tories did not wisely. The people generally felt that such antics as he exhibited were not in accordance with the place in which they were enacted. The permission by the party of such absurdities, appeared a wanton insult; “ and sober citizens sighed to see such subjects turned to farce.” In the employment of this man, as well as that of that other jack-pudding, Dr. Croker, they seem to have erred like Napoleon at Waterloo, through confusion of ideas, brought on by the mighty crisis of their fate. Their admirable dexterity deserted them in these instances : but generally speaking, they are, that is, they who direct the machinery of the party, shrewd men of business, wily politicians ; cool, subtle, and unprincipled ; shrinking from nothing, because it may be base or dishonourable ; (nothing being so considered among them, which is necessary for their safety and well-being ;) dexterous in the management of fallacies, and thoroughly trained to ready unblushing assertion. In the conducting of official business, they are ready, clear-headed, and regular. Thus are they well fitted for party warfare. The Ministers, on the other hand, if we view them as a mere party, are in all these cases, immeasurably inferior. N one of the whole party has been accustomed steadily to business. They have been trained merely to opposition; to desultory attack, not to systematic conduct of any sort. They possess not the art of dexterous imposition : whatever

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