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with the filling up of a military sinecure. General Hart, Governor of Londonderry, died some weeks since, and thus left vacant a sinecure of £1200 per annum. The Ministry filled up the vacancy by appointing Sir John Byng. They could not, in this case, plead inadvertence : they could not say they were taken by surprise. Lord Althorp had notice, before the place was given to Sir John Byng, that questions respecting the conduct that would be pursued by Ministers as to this sinecure, would be publicly put to him in the House. He begged for delay, and said, that in a few days he would be ready to give all the information required. The delay was granted. Days passed over, and no information
Remonstrance followed : still no answer ;-when, at length, Mr. Dawson, a Tory opponent of the Ministers, brought the matter before the House, by attacking the Ministers for giving away this sinecure, and thus falsifying their promises. The delay that Lord Althorp demanded, served only to enable the Ministers to give away the place. They had recourse to this subterfuge in order to carry their wishes into effect. Had the thing been mentioned before the post had been disposed of, they could not have avoided abolishing it ; so they employed an unworthy artifice, to gain time. This is only one instance out of many ; and is mentioned, because, from its attendant circumstances, it is pregnant with instruction,
Thus, if we consider the nature of their general proceedings, or view the particular cases by which those proceedings are accompanied, causes of suspicion and distrust arise at every step: not such suspicion as would arise only in the mind of one prone to jealousy, but even in the minds of confiding friends. The people were confiding friends of ministry ; and not till this hearty confidence had been shaken, by repeated trials, did they entertain or express any doubt. Now we have had two years' sad experience. Every day has brought something deserving of reproach ; and the sum of their misdeeds has, at length, mounted so high, that the people can no longer be silent spectators of these proceedings. If the Ministers be really of honest intentions, they will take these remonstrances in good part; they will rejoice at being warned in time, and will regulate their future conduct by what they see to be the feelings of the nation.
Of the conduct of the present Government, as respects Ireland, we have spoken in a former number; and, in the present number, we have drawn a parallel between the persecution in Scotland in the sixteenth century, and that in Ireland in the nineteenth. It is therefore unnecessary that we should dilate upon the policy pursued by the Ministry towards Ireland here. Still, when bringing forward a list of our grievances, this great stain on the present Administration must not be forgotten. Mr. Stanley's whole conduct is more suited to the meridian of Turkey than of England;
“ The answer given to me by Lord Althorp was not, as you suppose, satisfactory to me; but, on the contrary, was most unsatisfactory: and I regret that my reply to him was not reported. I said, that if sinecure offices are not to be abolished, how are the expenses of the country, and the heavy taxation of the country, to be reduced : that at the present time of the session, and under the particular circumstances of the Administration, I would not take the sense of the House against it; but that I hoped the Reformed Parliament would abolish all these and other sinecure offices without ceremony.' I further added, that I did not blame Sir John Byng for taking the office, so much as I blamed the Government for giving it to him, when there was actually a deficient revenue and excessive taxation,'”.
and should he be allowed to proceed in the same rash and headlong manner, in which he has hitherto conducted himself, a war of extermination must follow. He is adding fuel to a fire already too fierce; and the result will be, either that we shall be compelled to march an army into Ireland, and put down rebellion by annihilating the whole of the Catholic population, or the Protestants now there will be exterminated. The continued irri. tation of the Catholics, as now practised ; the unjust and preposterous attempt to prop up the Established Church, in spite of justice, in spite of the maddened feelings of the people, must make the breach between the two sections of the people eternal. Care, and an honest, intelligent endeavour to abolish the many great abuses existing in that unhappy country, would, we firmly believe, have reconciled the Protestant and Catholic Irish. But we fear that Mr. Stanley, neither by his talent, nor by the sympathies of his nature, is fitted for the arduous task of legislating for a divided people. He may be a quick and fluent debater; but here something is wanted beyond smart talking. Profound know. ledge of the human mind, and faultless sagacity in the management of the various instruments which constitute the means of politically govern. ing, are needed in a case so desperate as that of Ireland. Mr. Stanley's Alippant sarcasm renders the matter still more hopeless. He evidently prides himself on his talk. He is ever ready to put down opposition, and brow-beat those who question his proceedings. He is great in his own conceit, and in the opinion of an ignorant House of Commons. But his presumption is doomed to signal discomfit. While he is arrogantly proving that his patient must soon be in high health, the patient will expire. Ireland, according to his shallow reasoning, must soon be brought to a sound condition: he will quickly have no Ireland to experiment on. Of the Lord Chancellor's conduct, as separated from that of the remaining portion of the Ministry, we shall at this time say nothing. Further experience may, in the opinion of some, be required before a decided opinion can properly be formed respecting it. We, therefore, wait that expe
, rience. In the mean time, we cannot here avoid remarking on the new doctrine his Lordship has thought fit to promulgate, respecting the law of treason, and popular resistance. The Catholic Irish people deem tithes paid to a Protestant priest so signally unjust and oppressive that they refuse, in a body, to pay them; and in order to render the distraint for them of no avail, they have determined not to bid for property when exposed to sale on a levy for tithes. This determination Lord Brougham calls treason. When, in order to pass the reform bill, to frighten the House of Lords into compliance, his Lordship presented the famous Birmingham petition, had he the same opinion respecting quiet, peaceful opposition to bad laws ? He had not. Let him reconcile these contradictions. We cannot trust ourselves to speak at more length of his Lordship’s conduct ; and therefore abstain from further comment.
Our task becomes tiresome. Were the enumeration of evils continued, till the whole list were exhausted, the present number would be occupied solely by the Ministers and their follies. Here, then, the specific instances shall cease. Let it, however, be remembered, in order that some general and distinct conception of the Ministerial merits may be attained, that they found this country irritated by a Government which manifested no real sympathy in the welfare or misery of the people ; and that they have done little beyond sometimes giving expression to liberal doctrines, to show that they, in the same way, and to the same degree, are not hostile to popular interests; that, on the other hand, they have done much to continue suspicion, and heighten the irritation already entertained. Let it also be recollected, that they found the nation overwhelmed by an enormous expenditure, and, that after two years experience, they rather have increased than diminished our burthens : that after repeated promises of aid, they have done nothing to enable the people to obtain instruction ; and that now they boldly declare that they mean to continue the odious taxes on knowledge : that hitherto, with only one exception, * they have made no attempts to improve the administration of justice; but have, on the contrary, increased the already overgrown salaries of certain judges, and thus rendered the evil still greater than before : that having come to office when the commerce of the country laboured under unnecessary and mischievous checks, they have permitted affairs to remain almost precisely as they found them: in short, with the single exception of the Representation of the country, in the House of Commons, not one of all the great and numerous abuses existing in the government of the country, has been in the slightest degree reformed : that in fact we are as badly governed now as under the dominion of the Tory party.
This state of things cannot last. A reformed Parliament will miserably disappoint popular expectation, if, under its superintendence, any such doubtful course is permitted to be pursued by the Ministers of the crown. The present Ministers, if they act fairly in the character of the people's friends, may obtain so powerful a support in the coming House of Commons, as to be able to set at defiance the opposition of their old opponents. But, in order to obtain this support, they must at once thoroughly change their whole course of proceeding. They must begin, first, by unsparingly dismissing every Tory functionary ; must also, on all occasions, punish, with inflexible severity, every undue exercise of power; and honestly aid in obtaining the great object of the people's desires, viz. a good government. The people will cheerfully take them for leaders, if they will heartily support the character. Nothing was ever more false than the assertion, that the people desire vulgar demagogues as their champions. Everywhere a contrary spirit has been shown. The office of a representative, for example, is, by all the various bodies of electors, conferred on gentlemen. A man from the ranks of the people, or the burgeoisie, stands no chance of success, when opposed to a person, supposed, by his station, to have received a finished education ; who is, in fact, of what is termed the upper classes. The heroes of parish vestries are nowhere deemed equal to the task of legislation ; and, in spite of the brawling of this gentry for universal suffrage and vote by ballot, certain we are, that these would not, in the slightest degree, favour their return. The people have been so long accustomed to see men of high rank and station acting as rulers of the nation, that they are not yet prepared to see any other in that character. We speak thus, in order that the Ministers and their party may not mistake our present warning for a declaration of war. It is true, that, if the people do not find in them faithful stewards, and leaders in this their great struggle against the friends of bad government, they will seek for others in their own ranks; but this search will not be made, if the Whigs are true to the popular side.
* Of the Bankruptcy act, we now say nothing, because Lord Brougham's conduct has been reserved for consideration at another period, if found necessary.
ELEGY FOR THE KING OF THE GIPSIES, CHARLES LEE, Who died in a tent near Lewes, August 16, 1832, aged 74. He was buried in
St. Ann's Churchyard, in presence of a thousand spectators.
Hurrah !-hurrah !--pile up the mould :
The Sun will gild its sod :-
The Gipsy's idol God !
He watch'd its glories rise,
The spirit of the skies.
No lordly roof of stone;-
In star-bright splendour shone !
The rambling woodbine flower
The outcast's desert bower!
Their mossiest caves reveald ;
Her fruits of flood and field ;-
All living things, design'd
The gaze of human kind!
The squirrel's cunning nest, -
In broidered vesture drest;
The first soft pledge of Spring ;-
Shed on the Gipsy King !
The crowsfoot on the lea,
To store his treasury;
His velvet footcloth made;
The lime-tree's emerald shade.
Still yielded to his feast;
And forage for his beast.
The monarch of the moor;-
They wring them from the poor!
Fresh from the beanfield's brenth;
And honey-hoarded heath ;-
Fann'd by the wild bird's wing ;
Hail to the Gipsy King!
The bells of Toulouse were chiming for primes.* The spires, stee. ples, and turrets fluttered with pennons and banners, and clustered with caps and bonnets like swarming bees. The main street was lined by the burgher guard, and crowded with citizens, strangers, troubadours, and minstrels, above whose motley shew the windows and galleries were hung with cindon + and arras, and filled with scarlet gowns, furred ta. bards, and all the riches, splendour, and beauty of “ Bel Languedoc.” A deep stillness reigned in the crowd, and all eyes were turned towards the east gate, where a triumphal arch crowned with laurel, palm, and the white cross of Toulouse stood as high as the bartizan of the city port.
“ Santa Madre! what jour de fête is this?" said an old pilgrim, as he pushed through the men at arms at the barrier.
“ In the name of St. Jacques de Toulouse where did you come from?" replied one of the sergeants, # glancing at his cockle-shell.
“ That is no point of your charge,” replied the stranger; “ but I would know what saint you are going to celebrate.”
“ Truly we call him not saint as yet,” replied the sergeant ; though I doubt not he is as good as St. Dennis, or St. George, or any other St. Chevalier in the calendar; but in respect of the canonization, he is yet only Raymond de ToulouseLa Fleur de Chevalerie'-la lame de France, our young prince that shall return to-day, with the glory of heaven and earth, from the holy croisade.”
The pilgrim crossed himself, and while he was yet speaking with the guard, the sound of cymbals, kettle-drums, and a
corps d'harmonie" came faintly through the still sunshine.
“ On viens!" exclaimed the sergeant; and the billmen, eagerly clearing the passage, closed up their array, and stood silent under their arms.
The music advanced slowly, till the deep knell of an eastern march could be distinguished, and the thick heavy trample of horses upon the road; every eye fixed upon the gate, as the music approached, till suddenly the clattering hoofs and rolling drums echoed in the deep arch, and the dark mailed horsemen and forest of lances came through into the sunshine. The long black line of men-at-arms poured slowly down the street, till the bright tabards of the heralds appeared at the gate, followed by the great banner of Toulouse, and all the peers and paladins of the array.
In the midst of his knights, mounted upon a blanche Arab, and glis. tening in the white battle-habit of the cross, the Earl rode before his banner, surrounded by his officers, and followed by all the chivalry of Languedoc and Provence. His pale noble countenance was clear and serene as the sun that shone upon him, and his long black hair fell like waves of raven silk from the jewelled helmet and glittering lambroquin, which shook like a glory about his armed head. A rending shout, “ Vive! Vive! vive le Paladin del croix!” § went up like thunder from
• Noon mass.
Fine white linen. # A soldier between the rank of an esquire and man-at-arms, who generally work. ed the engines.
& Till the fourteenth century, the French language, particularly in the south, had great remains of the old Provençal and Romanish, once common to all the south of