The Congress of Rastadt was opened on the 17th January, 1798, in the following manner :

minds against all the farmers, land-owners, | of escape was to rally the French round a and gentry of the land. Whilst the federal national cause, and cause them to feel, rightand dissolving faction in Ireland has hoisted ly or wrongly, that they were engaged in a the standard of hatred to the Saxons, and, in national contest, that same government sought too many instances, the Saxon young men to destroy every vestige of nationality in the have applauded the very system which would minds of other people, and to prepare them at once ruin and condemn themselves. Now for French rule and despotic domination. all this should be met by a rally for modern history in a cheap, true, national, and popular form. We do not want our cottage walls and our cottage chimney-shelves covered with portraits of O'Connell or with busts of Buonaparte, but with portraits of the men and with the busts of the heroes who, both by sea and land, secured not only our own country from invasion and conquest, but all Europe from dependence and subjection to the Gallic yoke.

"The minister plenipotentiary of the French republic having sent Citizen Bertoillot, secretary to the minister Treilhard, to Count Metternich to desire him to fix an hour when it would be agreeable to him to wait upon them to be informed of a proposition which they were charged to make on the part of their government, replied to this message that he regarded the exchange of the copies of their respective full powers at the To popularize Conservatism is our duty; place of his residence as the first act of official and those who neglect so to do, do not follow conference; and that, therefore, he should not as they ought the noble example set them by hesitate to repair in his turn to the residence Prince de Metternich and the Germans. This of the plenipotentiaries of the republic, to hear has been the constant rule of that great man's what they had to propose to him, and for that life, to keep before the eyes of the Germans purpose he named the hour of twelve on the folthe value of their own institutions, the im-lowing day; but that he expected that these reciprocal attentions and formalities would be portance of maintaining them, the necessity observed throughout the course of this negofor union, patriotism, and nationality, and the tiation as had hitherto been the accustomed duty of the Germans above and before all practice on similar occasions. things to love their fatherland. His political conduct has been in perfect conformity with his personal views and doctrines; and if we now for awhile contemplate him at the CONGRESS OF RASTADT we shall see him zealously combating with Gallic ambition, and opposing all that could interfere with German nationality.

"Count Metternich accordingly went at the appointed hour to the residence of the Citizen ministers of the republic, where he found also Treilhard, as the senior in point of age of the the Citizen Bonnier. The former of them introduced the conversation by observing that the directorial minister of Mentz having acquainted them that the full and unlimited powers of the empire had been increased by the deputation, The official correspondence between His and the exchange of legalized copies having been Excellency Count de Metternich (he was not thorized to propose the first basis of a pacificaalso effected in the usual forms, they were authen prince), minister plenipotentiary of the tion. Citizen Treilhard then enlarged on the emperor, aud the deputies of the French re- justice of the cause of France;' and having stapublic, the citizens Trielhard, Bonnier, Ro-ted as an incontrovertible fact that a war had berjot, and Jean de Bry, ministers plenipoten- been proposed by the German empire which had tiary assembled at Rastadt for the purpose of cost the French so much blood and treasure, he negotiating a peace between those powers, proceeded to represent that his government had containing the whole of the state papers from all the sacrifices which it had made; and that, an incontestable right to an indemnification for the commencement of the negotiation in De- in compliance with its principles of loyalty and cember 1797 to April 1799, the period of its justice, whose object was to terminate the calamdissolution, I have considered with attention ities of war, and to establish peace on the most and interest. They show, on the part of the solid foundation, he proposed for the first basis prince, that deep distrust in French policy that the course of the Rhine should be acknowand promises, which the history of that peri-ledged as a boundary. "Count Metternich answered, that he had also od fully warranted. They show a conviction been informed of the arrival of the unlimited in the mind of that great statesman that ers for the deputation of the empire; that the France aimed at despotism, not liberty; at proceeding of the directorial minister of Mentz conquest, not emancipation; at the destruc- in regard to the ministers of the French republic, tion of nationality in the minds of the people had been adopted with his knowledge and apboth of Germany and other states, the which probation as minister plenipotentiary of the chief destruction was essential to carrying into ef- of the empire. That the first obstacle being refect the design of territorial aggrandizement moved, he saw with pleasure that nothing preon the part of the republic. Whilst the gov- gotiations; and that the despatch with which ernment of France knew that her only chance his imperial majesty as chief of the empire and

pow

vented an immediate commencement of the ne

the states had removed every difficulty, evident-place pretend to follow from day to day the ly proved his sincere desire to concur in what-proceedings of the rival diplomatists. France, ever might produce a prompt and complete pa- in the persons of Treilhard, Bonnier, and cification. Count Metternich added that he could not neglect the opportunity of Jean de Bry, had sent forth no common men; reiterating the protest he had already made in writing on and Metternich stood alone in the lists the form of the full powers of the ministers of against them; yet in every instance he bore the republic, which were not regular, since they himself with a dignity, firmness, and good contained the appointment to negotiate, but not breeding, which gave marvellous strength to to conclude and sign; which had been the con- his arguments. stant usage in all diplomatic conferences, that the ratification of their powers was essentially necessary under these circumstances; and that besides it was of moment to establish between the contracting powers a perfect reciprocity in

all the usual formalities.

Both parties played their deepest and best game. Both parties affected the most profound respect for, and confidence in, each other. Both parties observed, to the very letter, all the minutia of forms, politeness, "The minister Treilhard answered that he had ceremonies, and civility. Both parties sought immediately transmitted to the directory the note for delay. Both parties evaded the great and he had received from the Count Metternich on vital questions, and endeavored to surround, the subject which had been mentioned, that the directory acknowledged its justice, and had oror to bury, the leading points with a vast dered them to declare that they were willing to amount of verbiage, so that delay succeeded send other powers in the form required if the to delay, until new events arrived, which plenipotentiary of the empire should insist upon changed the aspect of affairs, and rendered it. At the same time Citizen Treilhard suggest- new debates and new decisions indispensable. ed that there was no necessity for suspending The Count de Metternich had, on the whole, the negotiations till the arrival of these new the better of the argument. He appeared powers, since those with which they were already invested were fully sufficient to qualify sometimes to yield a point of some value, but them to negotiate. Count Metternich acquiesced he was sure, in a few days afterwards, to rein this proposition; and that point being settled. gain his ground, and carry war into the he engaged that as to the principal object of their enemy's positions. The French republican interview he would instantly transmit to the de- deputies were sometimes carried away by putation of the empire the proposition which the their enthusiasm for their home government ministers plenipotentiary of the republic had and revolutionary cause. The Count de made, and would with equal readiness inform them of the result of its deliberations when they Metternich was uninfluenced by passion, but should have received the sanction of his imperi- pursued, noiselessly and without emotion, his al majesty. Citizen Treilhard also notified that diplomatic career. Nothing escaped his he should acquaint the directorial minister at notice. If the French deputies omitted any Mentz and the other deputies with the proposi- formality, he was the first to remind them of tion which he had made on the part of the direc- the omission. If they forgot to reply to any tory. Count Metternich thought it his duty to observe to him that he might do as he pleased, point reserved, or to any note which ought to but, at the same time, would not dissemble his have been answered, he never failed to tell opinion that such a proceeding was unconstitu- them of their omission. He was a sort of tional and would produce no effect whatever. register of forms and ceremonies, at the same Citizen Treilhard expressed his surprise, and in-time that he kept his eye steadily fixed on stantly observed, that according to this principle the principle under discussion, so that the the minister of the empire possessed the power representatives of the French republic never of stopping the progress of the negotiation. "stole a march" Count Metternich answered in the affirmative; on the diplomatist of the Germanic empire. at the same time he urged how improbable it And yet the ministers was that the minister of the empire should take selected to represent that republic were by any measures to perplex or put a stop to the ne- no means inferior men, or men of secondgotiations; he. however, thought proper to add rate powers; and, besides which, their attenthat he should in no instance depart from the tion was almost invariably directed to seeklaws and constitution of the empire. Count Metternich did not think it prudent to enter on a well that the enemies of the Count de MetI know very ing to inveigle or alarm him. discussion of the Germanic laws, but confined himself entirely to the points already mentioned. ternich have delighted to depreciate his The French minister making no reply, the rest efforts, and to represent him as unsuccessful of the conversation turned upon different subjects at the Congress at Rastadt. I know they At length Count Metternich retired perfectly have said that he yielded point by point, as satisfied with the personal demeanor of the the French deputies became increasingly deFrench ministers towards him." cided and pertinacious, and that he had wellImportant as the Congress of Rastadt nigh ceded all, when the Congress was termimight be, and momentous as were the issues nated, and war put an end to fruitless negoof it on the fate of Europe, I cannot in this | tiations. To this view of the subject I most

There is a story told of the Emperor Francis II. which I believe to be perfectly true, and which fully corroborates Prince Metternich's description of the parental character of that monarch's government. During the period that the cholera decimated its victims at Vienna, the emperor walked in the streets. At an obscure portion of the city he met a funeral. It was evidently that of a poor and wretched being. There were no friends to surround the bier, and the pauper's funeral was conducted with rapidity and inconsideration. "Halt!" cried the emperor; "I shall follow the remains of the deceased to the grave." "He was only an obscure person," was the reply, “and he has died of the cholera." "Never mind that," retorted the monarch," he was one of my children,for are you not all my children?" and the emperor followed to the grave the remains of the obscurest of his subjects.

and regard, the emperor is most attached to Count Kollowrat, and to Prince Palfy. The Count entertains some liberal sentiments, but loves tranquillity, recommends peace, and advocates the status quo. Such sentiments are in perfect harmony with those of the emperor.

The Prince de Metternich has been styled by those who know him not, "Prince Absolute." This is true neither of his public nor of his private life. In public life he has fixed principles, undoubtedly; but when, in 1830, it depended on him to involve Europe in war or peace, for the cause of the eldest branch of the house of Bourbon, it was the prince who said, "We must have peace." In private life the manners and conduct of the prince are precisely the reverse of that which the word "absolute" is intended to imply ; and his suavity, blandness, and amiability, cannot be excelled.

Napoleon, in his insolence and pride, But though the prince does not merit the dared to call the emperor a "vieux ganache;" title of "prince absolute," he has, undoubtand Talleyrand repeated, in the hearing of edly, a great aversion to those who accuse Maria Louisa, this daring piece of imperti- him of being so, viz. to the propagandists of nence. "Vieur ganache?" asked the arch- Europe. The prince told a story himself at duchess, what does that mean, prince?" a dinner-table at which Mrs. Trollope was Talleyrand, who believed that the use of words was to conceal ideas and thoughts, replied, with his usual promptitude and wit, "It means-oh! it means-a venerable sage, madame, that's all."

The Prince de Metternich speaks of Francis II. with gratitude, respect, and affection. But he has now another master. The present emperor, when hereditary prince, was accused of "Liberalism" This was not wholly an unjust charge; but if the term had been changed for that of "leaning to popular views and rights in an absolute monarchy," it would have been fairer. On his majesty's accession, however, he wrote a letter to the Prince de Metternich, full of expressions of confidence in his views, admiration of his talents and character, and of his desire that Austria should continue to benefit by his experience and wisdom. Upon one point, however, it is known that the present emperor and the prince differ; it is on that of the reception of provincial deputations. The former is against, the latter is in favor of their reception. But on this point the emperor has his own will, and the Hungarian deputation he would not receive. This is a new, or comparatively new, feature in the government of the subjects of Austria, and it is by no means one of a paternal character. It is possible that the emperor may, ere long, see good reasons for changing his decision.

After the Prince de Metternich, for whom his majesty entertains unbounded confidence

present, which is decidedly worth repeating. At the time Ali Pacha exercised his power against the sultan, Prince Metternich received a letter from him, in which he requested that the prince would immediately despatch to him "a constitution-maker,” as he was desirous of ruling the country he was about to conquer after the most approved European model. "Now, as we happened," remarked the Prince de Metternich, "to be on the most amicable footing with the sultan whom it was Ali Pacha's purpose to dethrone, I was obliged to decline the patronage he so politely offered me."

In private society the Prince de Metternich is not merely looked up to as one of the greatest men of his day, but he is regarded with much affection by all who come in contact with him. His conversation is animated, philosophical, and attractive. His attachment to friends is shown by acts as well as by words. He has not, perhaps, a personal enemy in the world. He has political antagonists, who either do not understand, or else cordially hate his doctrines and his system; but personal enemies he has none. Amongst the enlightened and upper classes in Austria there are many who think that the Tyrolese are ruled badly, and that Austrian policy in Italy is unwise; but yet these all think the Prince de Metternich to be a most admirable and venerable man. Some go so far as to regard him as the" obstacle to the progress of liberal ideas at the Austrian Court, but in

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this I believe firmly they are mistaken. | not Jesuitical policy, that I shall here introThe present emperor is as satisfied that an duce it. absolute monarchy is indispensable to the physical and material happiness of all his subjects as is the prince his councillor.

His

At the period of the French revolution of 1830, when the conduct of the newly proclaimed French government was dubious, when the Laffitte administration gave alternately signs of desiring or fearing war, when the Parisians were in a state of perpetual revolt, and when the French government were in a condition of incipient rebellion, proposals were pressed upon the Austrian government, that is to say, upon the Prince de Metternich, in behalf of the Buonapartist party. The Duke de Reichstadt was then living. health was delicate, and his frame was far indeed from robust, but still he was living, and the French Buonapartists believed that if he should be permitted to appear on the frontiers all Frenchmen would rally round his standard. The purses of the Buonaparte family were ready to support such an enterprise, and the swords of many a general and officer were prepared to leap from their scabbards in defence of the cause. These statements were made, and made repeatedly, to the Prince de Metternich by men of weight and influence belonging to the Buonaparte party, and it was urged on him that Austria might gain eternal renown and obtain unbounded influence over France, if, by reason of her acquisecence, the son of an Austrian archduchess should ascend the throne of that country.

Though there are several points of Prince de Metternich's policy that I think I should not adopt if I were the first minister of the empire," said a distinguished Austrian, " there is no point of his conduct that does not command my highest esteem. I am persuaded that if, instead of temperate discussion, he could overhear the most offensive personal observations against himself—if, indeed, any Austrian could be found to utter them-he would neither testify nor feel the slighest emotion of displeasure. But were he to learn that any act or word which could endanger the tranquillity and well-being of the country were either committed or uttered, he would not rest till it was checked and rendered harmless by some means or other. I will dare to assure you that no Roman of them all, from the philosophical Cato to the grumbling Cinna, is a more true and devoted patriot than Metternich; and what is perhaps a higher praise still, after twenty-five years of power greater than has fallen to the lot of any minister in any country, I do not believe that there is a man to be found who can say that Prince de Metternich has ever injured him." The mansion of the prince is very splendid, and his banquets are frequent and elegant. In a rich and ripe old age he finds himself surrounded, not merely by the élite of his own country, but by the most distinguished of all nations who either reside at or visit Vienna. A dinner at the Prince de Metternich's is looked for as "the" treat-the greatest-by all foreigners of distinction, not on account of the viands, the fruits, or the wines, but because the society, conversation, and tout ensemble of the entertainment are things to which all travelled persons turn back and in an instant overthrow the present dynasty, dwell upon with the greatest pleasure. The present princess is the third wife of the prince, and is a most fascinating and charmful person. Some call her the prettiest of the pretty, and others the most engaging and prepossessing they ever saw. The prince has been most fortunate in all his matrimonial engagements, and has displayed the most perfect taste in the selection of those who have shared with him his distinctions, fortune, and fame.

The prince listened at all times with great attention to the plans, proposals, and promises of the Buonapartist agents, but at length the period arrived when it became necessary to speak out, and to put an end for ever to the hopes of the Buonapartist party in that quarter. He said,—

"You wish us to allow you to conduct the Duke of Reichstadt to the frontiers of France. The magic name of Napoleon, connected with the presence of the Duke, will, you believe,

and raise up a new order of things. But what guarantee can be presented to him as to the future? To say the love and courage of the French is to say nothing, for they have displayed both for many governments and for many dynasties, both legitimate and otherwise. At the end of six months he would be surrounded by all sorts of claims, demands, exigencies, hatreds, conspiracies, and would be on the verge of an abyss. No, sir; the emThere is a passage in the life of the Prince peror, my master, is too firmly convinced of de Metternich which does him so much hon- the duty he owes to his people, and is too or, and which demonstrates so clearly that well satisfied of the correctness of his own though he is undoubtedly and essentially principles, as well as too anxious for the hapGerman and Austrian in his affections and piness of his grandson, ever to lend himself predilections, he is, nevertheless, a lover of for a moment to such proposals. You also peace and a man of straightforward and deceive yourselves as to the issue of your en