rose to distinction during the time of Henry | his diplomatic career. Such views were not the Holy, the last of the Saxon emperors. in accordance with the ambition of Napoleon, The family possessed the country from the nor with the spirit of his restless and belMoselle to Handsruck; and Lothar, one of ligerent subjects; and the Austrian ambasthe founders of the family, was, from 1599 to sador returned to Vienna. Soon afterwards 1623, Archbishop and Elector of Treves. he arranged the preliminaries of that forced The present Prince de Metternich is the son peace, which gave Napoleon still greater powof Francis George Metternich, the first prince er over Austria, and emboldened him not only of that house, who was born in Coblentz to demand, but enabled him to insist on in 1746. The subject of these reminiscen- being married to a princess of the house of ces was born in the same city, and studied, Hapsburg. after a careful preparatory education, at the The Russian campaign having proved disuniversity of Strasburgh. He was present, astrous to Napoleon, and the Austrian cabiwith his father, at the coronation of the Em-net having, at first, undertaken a position of peror Leopold, in 1790, at Frankfort-on-the-mediation, Count Metternich endeavored to Maine. His younger years were sedulously bring about a cessation of hostilities. There devoted to the study of international law, and can be no doubt but the matrimonial alliance to the principles of government. These between Napoleon and the daughter of the studies were conducted at the university of Emperor of Austria led to this movement; Mayence. In the year 1792, he was, like- but the usurper continued as haughty as if he wise, present at the coronation of the late had conquered Russia; and Prussia took her Emperor Francis II; and he then assisted ground with a nobleness which more than his father in his administration, and subse- compensated for her desertion of Austria on quently visited several European courts, re- a former occasion. The most distinguished maining some time in England. The disas-period of the Prince de Metternich's life now ters carried into the Rhenish countries by the commenced; first, by his arranging the French armies dispossessed his family. In Quadruple Alliance treaty at Töplitz; and, 1794, his talents obtained for him a post at second, after the battle of Leipsic, in followthe imperial court; and in the following yearing up those measures, in which he was perhe was married to Mary Eleonora, daughter sonally engaged, with incessant vigilance at of Prince Ernest of Kaunitz-Rittberg, and Frankfort, Friburg, Basle, Langres, Chauthe granddaughter of the imperial chancellor. mont, at the convention of Fontainebleau, His diplomatic career commenced in 1797-8, and at the peace of Paris. when sent by the emperor as plenipotentiary From Paris he accompanied the allied soveto the congress at Radstadt. His talents and reigns to England, and the time he spent policy at that congress I shall hereafter ex- amongst us was devoted by him to observing amine, and shall content myself for the mo- the state of the United Kingdom in regard to ment, by drawing a rapid and general sketch our social and national condition. The faof the outline of his life to the year 1814, mous congress of Vienna, which opened in with which I have commenced these Remi- the October following the treaty of May, niscences. 1814, was that in which, as president and neHostilities between Austria and France gociator, his diplomatic abilites were displayhaving broken out, in consequence of Aus- ed in the most distinguished and extraordinatria adhering to the coalition between Eng-ry manner. And, although somewhat out of land and Russia, Count Metternich left Ber-order of date, I propose devoting the first lin, when the third coalition of Prussia with portion of my Reminiscences of this celebratBuonaparte had been ratified. In 1806, after ed man rather to the middle, than to the the humiliating peace of Presburg, which ceded Venice and the Tyrol to Napoleon, Count Metternich, under the title of Earl of Coblentz, proceeded as ambassador to Paris, where he had one of the most difficult parts to play with the haughty and victorious usurper, and with so skilful and impenetrable of Vienna. a foreign minister as Prince de Talleyrand. I shall, likewise, in that second portion of The Count de Metternich could not, undoubtedly, prevent the disastrous war which broke out, in 1809, between Austria and France. Yet peace, on the one hand, and the supremacy of Austria in Germany on the other, were, at all times, the great objects of commencement, or decline, of his life; and shall, in my next article, trace him more fully from the beginning of his diplomatic career, to the time when to him were confided by the Emperor of Austria the many thorny positions connected with the congress my Reminiscences, examine his conduct at the congress of Rastadt, look into his proceedings and policy from 1815 to 1830, describe him as the negotiator with the Revolutionary party, and trace him to the present time, when, at the good old age of seventy one, he is enjoying the confidence of his sov-| repeatedly defended the rights of German ereign, the respect of all his fellow-subjects, citizens when they were most in peril. He and, I may add, the gratitude of Europe. was a friend to Poland, to the free towns Before, however, I proceed to detail the and cities of Germany, to petty princes, and memorable part he took at the congress of to smaller states; and whilst he has invariaVienna, and, in regard to all its proceedings, bly proclaimed the absolute principle as the it is necessary clearly to state what are the one most favorable to the happiness of civilprinciples, invariable and decided, of the ized man, he has bent to circumstances, prince. He does not believe that political yielded to facts, and sought to render events, liberty is essential to the happiness, honor, which he regarded as calamities, as little caor dignity of man. He does not believe that lamitous as possible. the nations which have enjoyed the greatest There are certain prevalent opinions with. degree of this political liberty, have been the regard to the Prince de Metternich, which I wisest, most virtuous, or most happy. He shall attack indirectly. And I prefer this does not believe that the material wants and line of proceeding, because I desire rather comforts of the people are so well, or so in- that the incontrovertible facts I shall adduce variably attended to under a constitutional, should speak for themselves, and thus meet as beneath the sway of an absolute monarch. the objections which are made to the views He believes that the liberty which the people and policy of the prince, than that any mere ought to enjoy every where, is the liberty of eulogy or defence on my part should even be making the most of their labor, the liberty of believed and adopted. The Prince de Metenjoying all they acquire, the liberty of wor- ternich is a very great man. He has been shipping God according to the forms and cer- mixed up, ardently, zealously, perseveringly, emonies of the Romish Church, the liberty in all the events of the last fifty years. Durof enjoying all social and family comforts, ing that half century he has been one of the without any arbitrary infringement or exac-political chiefs of Europe and the world. tions, the liberty of free action in all things He has fought the battle of the monarchy which are not opposed to the laws of the state, and the liberty of forming those relationships and ties, which ensure to man his greatest amount of mere worldly enjoyment. But he does not believe in republicanism or federalism. He does not believe in constitutional monarchies. He does not believe in the three powers in the government of a state. He does not believe in the action of such a government for the welfare of a people. He is of opinion that the unrestrained liberty of the press is much more injurious than beneficial. He is a friend to education, but it must be of a Roman Catholic charac ter. He believes not only in the possibility, but in the certainty of men being most happy, when they pay the least attention to their political institutions. He believes that civilization should by no means be identified with what he regards as revolutionary principles. life. with a zeal, discretion, energy, and forbear- And He The Prince de Metternich was unquestionthe great drama of the Vienna congress. He ably one of the most distinguished actors in had studied Europe with long and sustained difficulties, whether moral, social, physical, attention. He was perfectly familiar with the or political, appertaining to each state. had watched with care the demands made by rash people of their respective governments, during the war which had raged for so long a period. And he was fully prepared to dispocuss their wants, to combat their prejudices, and to relieve positive and undoubted evils. He knew not less intimately the relations of European governments the one to the other: the changes which had been brought about by the events which had transpired since which must take place, before any thing ap1789; and the further important changes proaching to a settlement of Europe could be He believes that no man really feels that litically free institutions are essential to his happiness, as is food, and as are comfortable dwellings, family associations, religious instruction, and protection in the enjoyment of his personal freedom, his fortune, and his He believes that the absolute principle, assures to man a far greater amount of happiness, than either the democratic or the constitutional principle; and he, therefore, has devoted a large portion of his life to its defence and maintenance. But he is no tyrant. He is no lover of despotism. He invariably opposes all tendencies to tyranny. He has said to be effected. Let us now see him at work. Let us watch him before the congress. Let us move with him through the various stages of the history.. of that great assembly. This shall be done tentates. without prejudice, and without partiality. When the prince became one of the leading members of the congress of Vienna, he carried to that congress a perfect knowledge of existing treaties. There were the separate and secret articles concluded in October 1813 between Austria and Bavaria. There was the treaty of alliance of the 2d of November, 1813, between Austria and Wirtemberg. There was the project of a federal constitution for Germany communicated by the Prince of Hardenberg to the Prince de Metternich, at a conference which had taken place at Baden, in Austria. There was the treaty of Paris of May 30, 1814. And, in one word, a multitude of documents were to be consulted, and the claims they recognised to be discussed and altered, or maintained. With all of these the subject of these reminiscences was perfectly familiar. Do we examine the proceedings of the sittings of the committee appointed to superintend the affairs of the German states, and which committee was composed of the plenipotentiaries of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, and Wirtemberg? We find that Prince de Metternich was the man who took the lead; that he opened the conferences; that he proposed that the basis of a Germanic confederation should be agreed on; that he it was who submitted that the committee should be limited to the representatives of the five powers just named; that he insisted that the secondary powers ought to, and must, submit to their decisions; and he it was who concocted, with the representative of Prussia, those articles for the organization of the German Confederation, which were subsequently submitted to and adopted by the other members of the German committee. "What care I?" exclaimed the prince, on one occasion, "for the indignation of the Grand Duke of Baden? We do not want a congress of republics, but a congress of sovereigns." When it was suggested that the states of the second and third class should, nevertheless, be, from day to day, or from time to time, kept informed relative to the decisions of the German commitee, it was Prince de Metternich who said, No; it is our duty, on the contrary, to keep all our decisions entirely secret; and even none of us five, who constitute the committee, ought to have the right to submit any proposition to our respective courts, until the projected constitution shall be complete. Then, let each representative apply to his government for its definitive instructions." When the project of twelve articles agreed upon between Austria and Prussia came on for discussion, it was Prince de Metternich who defended each clause. In the Prince de Wrede he found an able and zealous disputant; but the close reasoning of the Austrian diplomatist almost invariably prevailed. The right of Austria to have two votes, and of Prussia to have the same number, at the deliberations of the German confederations, was maintained with great vigor by the prince. When the minister of Wirtemberg insisted before the committee, that it was not necessary to fix the rights of German subjects by any declaration of those rights, it was the Prince de Metternich who replied, "In my opinion, it is absolutely necessary to fix those rights. In the ancient constitution of Germany, certain rights were guaranteed to all German subjects; but in these later times, in some of the states, oppressive measures have been introduced, from the continuance of which the people ought to be guaranteed. For inWhen the ambassador of the King of Wir-stance, in some states it has been ordained that temberg insisted on the right of the king, his persons possessing property must pass a portion master, to precedence of the King of Hano- of every year in the capitals of those states. ver, it was the Prince de Metternich who de- This cannot be longer tolerated. Indeed, in some clared, that between and amongst each other cases, where men of property have possessions all kings were equal." in four or five different states, how is it possible that they should obey such requisitions ?" When the Grand Duke of Baden claimed, as of right, to be admitted to the conferences That was a noble document, and worthy of of the German committee, and to form one of an enlightened monarch, a powerful governtheir number, it was the Prince de Metternichment, and a free people, which the Counts of who opposed any addition thereto. The Munster and Hardenberg were directed to states of the first class," said the prince, present, as the two plenipotentiaries of the "called upon to constitute the committee, are, prince regent, then also Prince Regent of in consequence of their European relations, in Hanover, to the committee of the five Gera far better position to make suitable propo-man courts, on the 21st of October, 1814. sitions than are the German states of the sec- I question greatly whether those Whigs ond and third class." Against this decision who made it their constant business to libel the smaller states protested; and the name of the government of the prince regent, and to Prince de Metternich was pronounced with represent him as a despot, would have dared anger by very many of the lesser German po- to have made use of such language as the fol lowing, and which I extract from the state paper in question : on the 26th of October, 1814, that such a constitution was no longer possible or applicable, and that the Germans did not wish to found their new institutions on the basis of their old ones. "His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Great Britain and of Hanover cannot possibly admit that the changes which have taken place in Germany have given a right to the princes to When the Prince de Wrede attacked the claim an absolute or despotic sway over their independence of the "free cities of Hamburg, subjects. A representative system has existed, as of right, in Germany from time imme- Lubec, and Bremen," and declared that " Bamorial. In many states its organization was varia could not recognise such a title," it was based on particular arrangements entered into the Prince de Metternich who observed, between the prince and his subjects; and in coun- "these cities have been already recognised tries where the states had even ceased to exist, as free by the alliances they have contracted the subjects possessed important rights which with foreign powers, and notably with Engthe laws of the empire had established, and to land and France; and that such facts could which they still granted their protection. The King of Great Britain is indubitably as much not be set aside." Yet this is the man who a sovereign as any European prince whatever; is constantly misrepresented as the enemy to and the liberties of his people, far from tending human liberty. to overthrow his throne, established its stability." This was the language of the noble minded and liberty-loving prince regent, who was yet so often represented as the "ally of despots, and the enemy of freedom." When the Prince de Metternich perused this incomparable document, he exclaimed, "When liberty is thus understood, and when power is thus exercised, constitutional freedom is quite compatible with the monarchical principle." To be sure it is. That was an interesting discussion, which took place in October, 1814, when the enlightened views of the prince regent with regard to the cause of constitutional freedom in the states of the confederation, were combated by some of the representatives of the five courts. But the Prince de Metternich, to his honor be it recorded, ranged himself on the side of rational liberty, and thus assured the triumph of constitutional principles. It was the Prince de Metternich who made also the famous proposition, that "To prevent one state of the confederation from compromising the external safety of Germany, each state should be compelled not to make any warfare itself alone, nor to take any part in such a war; and not to conclude any alliance, treaty, or convention, for the service of troops, without receiving the consent of the confederation." It was the same prince, also, who declared that, although, in consequence of the large states which Austria added to those of the confederation, she claimed the right of two votes, yet that she voluntarily offered to contribute a double proportion of the expense of that body. The opposition offered by the court of Bavaria to the decisions of the German committee was founded on an idea that the ancient constitution of the empire ought to be preserved; but the Prince de Metternich demonstrated on several occasions, and especially When the discussion took place between the members of the German constitution committee on the question of what security should be given to the Germans, that their individual liberty should be respected, it was the Prince de Metternich who said that, "Although Austria was quite agreed that the rights of sovereignty should be secured to the princes of Germany, it ought, nevertheless, not to be lost sight of, that the object they had then in view was to form a Germanic confederation, and a great political body, composed of German states; and that consequently, in case any attack should be made on the political existence or rights of an individual, contrary to the tenor of the federal act, or of the constitution, and that by such act the individual would be injured in his rights as a German citizen, that the confederation ought to have the power of remedying buna! should be established to take cognizance those contraventions, and that the federal triof all such complaints, and provide remedies for all violations of the general constitution !" Was this the language of an arbitrary and tyrannical despot? the power and influence of Austria, soon manThe jealousy of Bavaria and Wirtemberg of ifested itself in the Germanic constitution committee; and not only on the subject of the double votes claimed by the court of Vienna, but likewise on a variety of other points, the representatives of the two first-named powers evinced their want of trust in the Austrian government. On all these occasions the Prince de Metternich spoke without reserve, acted with the most perfect good faith, and displayed a firmness on the one hand, but a sincerity on the other, which secured for him the approbation and confidence of all. On every occasion the prince advocated the advantages of peace, the necessity for union, and the duty of securing to the people all the rights and advantages to which they were manifestly entitled in the new combination. In these views the prince was powerfully sec onded by an autograph letter written to him | committee, and to the conduct of the Prince by the Emperor Alexander of Russia; in de Metternich with regard to the Germanic which his majesty stated, with distinctness, confederation. The King of Wirtemberg, that he fully coincided in the sentiments of dissatisfied with the proceedings of the comPrince Metternich, and desired that his views mittee, and displeased at finding that the propof the rights of the German people, should be ositions made by his representatives were not carried into effect. well received by the other members, sent, on In the early part of the proceedings of the the 16th Nov. 1814, a written protest, in which congress of Vienna, the question of "What he required that the whole of the plans of was to become of Poland?" was felt to be Austria and Prussia, with regard to Germany, one of the most difficult. The project rela- should be submitted to him before he should tive to the incorporation of the whole of Po-be further required to proceed with the disland with Russia, as a distinct kingdom, un- cussions as to the constitution of the confedder a viceroy, was at first concerted between eration. This was the beginning of a serious Russia and Prussia, at the period of the sig- and formidable opposition. On the very same nature of the treaty of Paris. This project, day, also, a note was delivered to the Prinhowever, was greatly opposed by the Prince ces de Metternich and de Hardenberg, by de Talleyrand. In vain did Russia and the plenipotentiaries of twenty-nine foreign Prussia invoke a secret article of the treaty of princes and free cities of Germany, in which Paris, which compelled France to accede to they demanded, without delay, to be called the division which the "allies" should agree upon to deliberate on the subject of the conto, of the countries which had been conquered stitution and the constitution of their common or ceded. The Prince de Talleyrand insist- country. This formidable list of twenty-nine ed, that by the word "allies," must be under- was afterwards augmented to thirty-four by stood the whole of the allies, and not this or the signatures of five other courts. This was that power; and that France would only re- the beginning of a very severe conflict, durcognise the decisions come to by the congress ing the whole of which the Prince de Meten masse. Now, what was the line of conduct ternich displayed a firmness, forbearance, paadopted by the Prince de Metternich on this tience, and energy, which confounded those important occasion? Did he oppose the who were most resolute in opposing him. Prince de Talleyrand, and the honest and The Duke of Brunswick was energetic in his fair interpretation put upon the treaty in the complaints. The Grand Duke of Baden was interest of Poland? By no means. He united decisive in his demands. The plenipotenhis voice with those of France and England, tiaries of the King of Denmark were loud in and the Polish question was therefore sub- their remonstrances. And a host of very petmitted to a new and general discussion. The ty states indeed joined in the general "chariinconveniences which would have arisen from vari" against the firm and unwavering Prince the union of the whole of Poland, under a de Metternich. Russian viceroy, were at last admitted, even by the King of Prussia, the private friend of the Emperor Alexander; who did not believe that the acquisition of Saxony, and of the countries between the Meuse and the Moselle, could balance the dangers to which the incorporation of Poland would expose his monarchy. The Prince de Talleyrand, with his consummate tact and finesse, also labored to prove to the other powers, the great evils which must arise from so collossal an aggrandizement of Russia; and he proposed to give to the king of Prussia all the duchy of Warsaw, at least to the banks of the Vistula. This was generally felt to be the best arrangement, provided it would be found impossible to re-establish Poland in a manner useful to the balance of power in Europe. In the whole of these negotiations the Prince de Metternich invariably leant to the side of the unfortunate, and Poland had in him a decided and powerful friend. But, to return to the German constitution But how instructive and delightful it is to notice and record how a giant man with a giant mind calmly, deliberately, and fearlessly proceeded to confront his opponents and to defend his system. He began with the plenipotentiaries of the King of Wirtemberg, and six days after the receipt of their protest, forwarded a note, which destroyed at once the false accusations which they, in the name of the king, had brought against him. In that admirable document the prince thus expresses his opinion with respect to the "object of the great alliance which had delivered Europe from an ignominious yoke," as far as relates to Germany. He says, "that object, as regards Germany, was the dissolution of the Rhenish confederation, and the re-establishment of German liberty and of the constitution, with some modifications." Whilst constantly occupied with great questions of principle, in the discussions which took place before the congress and in the various committees, the Prince de Metternich, |