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rose to distinction during the time of Henry | his diplomatic career.

Such views were not

sador returned to Vienna. Soon afterwards he arranged the preliminaries of that forced peace, which gave Napoleon still greater power over Austria, and emboldened him not only to demand, but enabled him to insist on being married to a princess of the house of Hapsburg.

the Holy, the last of the Saxon emperors. in accordance with the ambition of Napoleon, The family possessed the country from the nor with the spirit of his restless and belMoselle to Handsruck; and Lothar, one of ligerent subjects; and the Austrian ambasthe founders of the family, was, from 1599 to 1623, Archbishop and Elector of Treves. The present Prince de Metternich is the son of Francis George Metternich, the first prince of that house, who was born in Coblentz in 1746. The subject of these reminiscences was born in the same city, and studied, after a careful preparatory education, at the The Russian campaign having proved disuniversity of Strasburgh. He was present, astrous to Napoleon, and the Austrian cabiwith his father, at the coronation of the Em-net having, at first, undertaken a position of peror Leopold, in 1790, at Frankfort-on-the-mediation, Count Metternich endeavored to Maine. His younger years were sedulously bring about a cessation of hostilities. There devoted to the study of international law, and can be no doubt but the matrimonial alliance to the principles of government. These between Napoleon and the daughter of the studies were conducted at the university of Emperor of Austria led to this movement; Mayence. In the year 1792, he was, like- but the usurper continued as haughty as if he wise, present at the coronation of the late had conquered Russia; and Prussia took her Emperor Francis II; and he then assisted ground with a nobleness which more than his father in his administration, and subse-compensated for her desertion of Austria on quently visited several European courts, re- a former occasion. The most distinguished maining some time in England. The disas-period of the Prince de Metternich's life now ters carried into the Rhenish countries by the commenced; first, by his arranging the French armies dispossessed his family. In Quadruple Alliance treaty at Töplitz; and, 1794, his talents obtained for him a post at second, after the battle of Leipsic, in followthe imperial court; and in the following yearing up those measures, in which he was perhe was married to Mary Eleonora, daughter sonally engaged, with incessant vigilance at of Prince Ernest of Kaunitz-Rittberg, and Frankfort, Friburg, Basle, Langres, Chauthe granddaughter of the imperial chancellor. mont, at the convention of Fontainebleau, His diplomatic career commenced in 1797-8, and at the peace of Paris. when sent by the emperor as plenipotentiary From Paris he accompanied the allied soveto the congress at Radstadt. His talents and reigns to England, and the time he spent policy at that congress I shall hereafter ex- amongst us was devoted by him to observing amine, and shall content myself for the mo- the state of the United Kingdom in regard to ment, by drawing a rapid and general sketch our social and national condition. The faof the outline of his life to the year 1814, mous congress of Vienna, which opened in with which I have commenced these Remi- the October following the treaty of May, niscences. 1814, was that in which, as president and neHostilities between Austria and France gociator, his diplomatic abilites were displayhaving broken out, in consequence of Aus-ed in the most distinguished and extraordinatria adhering to the coalition between Eng-ry manner. And, although somewhat out of land and Russia, Count Metternich left Ber-order of date, I propose devoting the first lin, when the third coalition of Prussia with portion of my Reminiscences of this celebratBuonaparte had been ratified. In 1806, after ed man rather to the middle, than to the the humiliating peace of Presburg, which ceded Venice and the Tyrol to Napoleon, Count Metternich, under the title of Earl of Coblentz, proceeded as ambassador to Paris, where he had one of the most difficult parts to play with the haughty and victorious usurper, and with so skilful and impenetrable of Vienna. a foreign minister as Prince de Talleyrand. I shall, likewise, in that second portion of The Count de Metternich could not, un-my Reminiscences, examine his conduct at doubtedly, prevent the disastrous war which the congress of Rastadt, look into his probroke out, in 1809, between Austria and ceedings and policy from 1815 to 1830, deFrance. Yet peace, on the one hand, and scribe him as the negotiator with the Revothe supremacy of Austria in Germany on the lutionary party, and trace him to the present other, were, at all times, the great objects of time, when, at the good old age of seventy

commencement, or decline, of his life; and shall, in my next article, trace him more fully from the beginning of his diplomatic career, to the time when to him were confided by the Emperor of Austria the many thorny positions connected with the congress

may. This shall be done
gmcee, and without partiality
inte prace became one of the leading
the congress of Vienna, he car-
gress a perfect knowledge of
There were the separate
arances crecluded in October 1-13
stand Bavaria. There was the

one, he is enjoying the confidence of his sov-| repeatedly defended the rights of German
ereign, the respect of all his fellow-subjects, citizens when they were most in peril. He
and, I may add, the gratitude of Europe. was a friend to Poland, to the free towns
Before, however, I proceed to detail the and cities of Germany, to petty princes, and
memorable part he took at the congress of to smaller states; and whilst he has invaria-
Vienna, and, in regard to all its proceedings, bly proclaimed the absolute principle as the
it is necessary clearly to state what are the one most favorable to the happiness of civil-
principles, invariable and decided, of the ized man, he has bent to circumstances,
prince. He does not believe that political yielded to facts, and sought to render events,
liberty is essential to the happiness, honor, which he regarded as calamities, as little ca-
or dignity of man. He does not believe that lamitous as possible.
the nations which have enjoyed the greatest
degree of this political liberty, have been the
wisest, most virtuous, or most happy. He
does not believe that the material wants and
comforts of the people are so well, or so in-
variably attended to under a constitutional,
as beneath the sway of an absolute monarch.
He believes that the liberty which the people
ought to enjoy every where, is the liberty of
making the most of their labor, the liberty of
enjoying all they acquire, the liberty of wor-
shipping God according to the forms and cer-
emonies of the Romish Church, the liberty
of enjoying all social and family comforts,
without any arbitrary infringement or exac-
tions, the liberty of free action in all things
which are not opposed to the laws of the
state, and the liberty of forming those relation-
ships and ties, which ensure to man his
greatest amount of mere worldly enjoyment.
But he does not believe in republicanism or
federalism. He does not believe in constitu-
tional monarchies. He does not believe in
the three powers in the government of a

There are certain prevalent opinions with
regard to the Prince de Metternich, which I
shall attack indirectly. And I prefer this
line of proceeding, because I desire rather
that the incontrovertible facts I shall adduce
should speak for themselves, and thus meet
the objections which are made to the views
and policy of the prince, than that any mere
eulogy or defence on my part should even be
believed and adopted. The Prince de Met-
ternich is a very great man. He has been
mixed up, ardently, zealously, perseveringly,
in all the events of the last fifty years. Dur-
ing that half century he has been one of the
political chiefs of Europe and the world.
He has fought the battle of the monarchy
with a zeal, discretion, energy, and forbear-
ance, which prove him to be a consummate
statesman. He is now reposing on his lau-
rels. He is now witnessing the success of
his monarchical policy and measures.
it will surely be interesting to contemplate
such a man at one of the most interesting
periods of ancient or modern history—I mean
at the time of the congress of Vienna.

po

And

e of the 24 of November, 1×13, Bra and Wirtemberg. There tre of a federal constitution for rated by the Prince of ege Prince de Metternich, at a rich had taken place at Biden, There was the treaty of Paris 14 And, in one word, a muiScents were to be consuited,

they recognised to be discuss tres, or maintained. With all of Pet of these reminiscences was

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Fame the proceedings of the sit-
tee appointed to superin-
s of the German states, and
composed of the plen
Austria, Prussia, Bavaria,
*: Wirtemberg? We find that
eternich was the man who took
be opened the conferences;
sed that the basis of a Germanic
ustid be agreed on; that he it
ed that the committee should
representatives of the five
zed: that he insisted that the

He

ought to, and must, submit Ps: and he it was who conrepresentative of Prussia, the organization of the GerSeton, which were subsequently adopted by the other memVerman committee. ambassador of the King of Wir-' ased on the right of the king, his redence of the King of HanoPrince de Metternich who detween and amongst each other ad Duke of Baden claimed, be admitted to the conferences ittee, and to form one of was the Prince de Metternich any addition thereto. "The irst class," said the prince, stitute the committee, are, their European relations, in on to make suitable propoGerman states of the secAgainst this decision protested; and the name of pronounced with

state. He does not believe in the action of
such a government for the welfare of a peo-
The Prince de Metternich was unquestion-
ple. He is of opinion that the unrestrained
liberty of the press is much more injurious ably one of the most distinguished actors in
than beneficial. He is a friend to education,
the great drama of the Vienna congress. He
had studied Europe with long and sustained
but it must be of a Roman Catholic charac-
attention. He was perfectly familiar with the
ter. He believes not only in the possibility,
but in the certainty of men being most hap- difficulties, whether moral, social, physical,
py, when they pay the least attention to their or political, appertaining to each state.
had watched with care the demands made by
political institutions. He believes that civil-
rash people of their respective governments,
ization should by no means be identified with
what he regards as revolutionary principles. during the war which had raged for so long
He believes that no man really feels that a period. And he was fully prepared to dis-
litically free institutions are essential to his cuss their wants, to combat their prejudices,
and to relieve positive and undoubted evils.
happiness, as is food, and as are comfortable
dwellings, family associations, religious in- He knew not less intimately the relations of
struction, and protection in the enjoyment of European governments the one to the other :
his personal freedom, his fortune, and his the changes which had been brought about
life. He believes that the absolute principle, by the events which had transpired since
assures to man a far greater amount of hap- which must take place, before any thing ap-
1789; and the further important changes
piness, than either the democratic or the con-
stitutional principle; and he, therefore, has proaching to a settlement of Europe could be
devoted a large portion of his life to its de-
fence and maintenance. But he is no tyrant.
Let us now see him at work. Let us watch
He is no lover of despotism. He invariably him before the congress. Let us move with
opposes all tendencies to tyranny. He has him through the various stages of the history..

said to be effected.

Veenich was

ay of the lesser German

1

This shall be done | tentates. "What care I?" exclaimed the prince, on one occasion, "for the indignation of the Grand Duke of Baden? We do not want a congress of republics, but a congress of sovereigns."

of that great assembly.
without prejudice, and without partiality.
When the prince became one of the leading
members of the congress of Vienna, he car-
ried to that congress a perfect knowledge of
existing treaties. There were the separate
and secret articles concluded in October 1813
between Austria and Bavaria. There was the
treaty of alliance of the 2d of November, 1813,
between Austria and Wirtemberg. There
was the project of a federal constitution for
Germany communicated by the Prince of
Hardenberg to the Prince de Metternich, at a
conference which had taken place at Baden,
in Austria. There was the treaty of Paris
of May 30, 1814. And, in one word, a mul-
titude of documents were to be consulted,
and the claims they recognised to be discuss-
ed and altered, or maintained. With all of
these the subject of these reminiscences was
perfectly familiar.

When it was suggested that the states of the second and third class should, nevertheless, be, from day to day, or from time to time, kept informed relative to the decisions of the German commitee, it was Prince de Metternich who said, "No; it is our duty, on the contrary, to keep all our decisions entirely secret; and even none of us five, who constitute the committee, ought to have the right to submit any proposition to our respective courts, until the projected constitution shall be complete.

Then, let each representative apply to his government for its definitive instructions."

When the project of twelve articles agreed upon between Austria and Prussia came on for discussion, it was Prince de Metternich who defended each clause. In the Prince de Wrede he found an able and zealous disputant; but the close reasoning of the Austrian diplomatist almost invariably prevailed. The right of Austria to have two votes, and of Prussia to have the same number, at the deliberations of the German confederations, was maintained with great vigor by the prince.

Do we examine the proceedings of the sittings of the committee appointed to superintend the affairs of the German states, and which committee was composed of the pleni? potentiaries of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, and Wirtemberg? We find that Prince de Metternich was the man who took the lead; that he opened the conferences; that he proposed that the basis of a Germanic confederation should be agreed on; that he it was who submitted that the committee should be limited to the representatives of the five powers just named; that he insisted that the secondary powers ought to, and must, submit to their decisions; and he it was who con"In my opinion, it is absolutely necessary to cocted, with the representative of Prussia, fix those rights. In the ancient constitution of those articles for the organization of the Ger- Germany, certain rights were guaranteed to all man Confederation, which were subsequently German subjects; but in these later times, in submitted to and adopted by the other mem-been introduced, from the continuance of which some of the states, oppressive measures have bers of the German committee.

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When the ambassador of the King of Wirtemberg insisted on the right of the king, his master, to precedence of the King of Hanover, it was the Prince de Metternich who declared, "that between and amongst each other all kings were equal."

When the minister of Wirtemberg insisted before the committee, that it was not necessary to fix the rights of German subjects by any declaration of those rights, it was the Prince de Metternich who replied,

the people ought to be guaranteed. For instance, in some states it has been ordained that persons possessing property must pass a portion of every year in the capitals of those states. This cannot be longer tolerated. Indeed, in some cases, where men of property have possessions in four or five different states, how is it possible that they should obey such requisitions?"

When the Grand Duke of Baden claimed, as of right, to be admitted to the conferences That was a noble document, and worthy of of the German committee, and to form one of an enlightened monarch, a powerful governtheir number, it was the Prince de Metternichment, and a free people, which the Counts of who opposed any addition thereto. "The Munster and Hardenberg were directed to states of the first class," said the prince, present, as the two plenipotentiaries of the "called upon to constitute the committee, are, prince regent, then also Prince Regent of in consequence of their European relations, in Hanover, to the committee of the five Gera far better position to make suitable propo-man courts, on the 21st of October, 1814. sitions than are the German states of the sec- I question greatly whether those Whigs ond and third class." Against this decision who made it their constant business to libel the smaller states protested; and the name of the government of the prince regent, and to Prince de Metternich was pronounced with represent him as a despot, would have dared anger by very many of the lesser German po- to have made use of such language as the fol

44

REMINISCENCES OF MEN AND THINGS.

lowing, and which I extract from the state paper in question :—

[MAY,

on the 26th of October, 1814, that such a constitution was no longer possible or applicable, and that the Germans did not wish to found their new institutions on the basis of their old ones.

"His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Great Britain and of Hanover cannot possibly admit that the changes which have taken place in Germany have given a right to the princes to claim an absolute or despotic sway over their subjects. A representative system has existed, as of right, in Germany from time immemorial. In many states its organization was based on particular arrangements entered into between the prince and his subjects; and in countries where the states had even ceased to exist, the subjects possessed important rights which the laws of the empire had established, and to which they still granted their protection. The King of Great Britain is indubitably as much a sovereign as any European prince whatever; and the liberties of his people, far from tending to overthrow his throne, established its stability." This was the language of the noble minded and liberty-loving prince regent, who was yet so often represented as the "ally of despots, and the enemy of freedom."

When the Prince de Wrede attacked the

independence of the "free cities of Hamburg, Lubec, and Bremen," and declared that "Bavaria could not recognise such a title," it was the Prince de Metternich who observed, "these cities have been already recognised as free by the alliances they have contracted with foreign powers, and notably with England and France; and that such facts could not be set aside." Yet this is the man who is constantly misrepresented as the enemy to human liberty.

When the Prince de Metternich perused this incomparable document, he exclaimed, "When liberty is thus understood, and when power is thus exercised, constitutional freedom is quite compatible with the monarchical principle." To be sure it is.

When the discussion took place between the members of the German constitution committee on the question of what security should be given to the Germans, that their individual liberty should be respected, it was the Prince de Metternich who said that,

That was an interesting discussion, which took place in October, 1814, when the enlightened views of the prince regent with regard to the cause of constitutional freedom in the states of the confederation, were combated by some of the representatives of the five But the Prince de Metternich, to his honor be it recorded, ranged himself on the side of rational liberty, and thus assured the triumph of constitutional principles.

courts.

It was the Prince de Metternich who made also the famous proposition, that

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været of the proceedings of the t
zna, the question of "What
of Poland! was felt to be
228 cfcit. The project rela

oration of the whole of Po-
tissa, as a distinct kingdom, un- o
s at Erst concerted between

a Prassa, at the period of the sigreaty of Paris. This project, greatly opposed by the Prince o In vain did Russia and t secret article of the treaty of peled France to accede to t rch the "alties should agree eberries which had been conquered Ta Prince de Talleyrand insist#wed "allies," must be underme of the allies, and not this or t c that France would only resons come to by the congress wiat was the line of conduct Prince de Metternich on this Team! Did he oppose they errand, and the honest and put upon the treaty in the By no means. He united The of France and England,

"Although Austria was quite agreed that the rights of sovereignty should be secured to the princes of Germany, it ought, nevertheless, not to be lost sight of, that the object they had then in view was to form a Germanic confederation, states; and that consequently, in case any atand a great political body, composed of German tack should be made on the political existence or rights of an individual, contrary to the tenor of the federal act, or of the constitution, and that by such act the individual would be injured in his rights as a German citizen, that the confederation ought to have the power of remedying those contraventions, and that the federal tribuna! should be established to take cognizance of all such complaints, and provide remedies for all violations of the general constitution !"

"To prevent one state of the confederation from compromising the external safety of Germany, each state should be compelled not to make any warfare itself alone, nor to take any part in such a war; and not to conclude any alliance, treaty, or convention, for the service of troops, without receiving the consent of the confederation."

Was this the language of an arbitrary and tyrannical despot?

It was the same prince, also, who declared that, although, in consequence of the large states which Austria added to those of the confederation, she claimed the right of two votes, yet that she voluntarily offered to contribute a double proportion of the expense of that body.

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cuestion was therefore sub-t

at and general discussion. The t swich would have arisen from the wave of Poland, under a were at last admitted, even Prussia, the private friend of erdexander: who did not believe son of Saxony, and of the ween the Meuse and the Moselle, the dangers to which the incorband would expose his monPrince de Talleyrand, with tact and finesse, also laborthe other powers, the great trise from so collossal an agRussia; and he proposed to of Prussia all the duchy of to the banks of the Vistula. air felt to be the best arrange

The jealousy of Bavaria and Wirtemberg of the power and influence of Austria, soon manifested itself in the Germanic constitution committee; and not only on the subject of the double votes claimed by the court of Vienna, but likewise on a variety of other points, the representatives of the two first-named powers evinced their want of trust in the Austrian government. On all these occasions the Prince de Metternich spoke without reserve, acted with the most perfect good faith, and displayed a firmness on the one hand, but a sincerity on the other, which secured for him the approbation and confidence of all. On every occasion the prince advocated the advantages of peace, the necessity for union, and the duty of securing to the people all the rights and advantages to which they were manifestly entitled in the new combination. In these views the prince was powerfully sec

The opposition offered by the court of Bavaria to the decisions of the German committee was founded on an idea that the ancient constitution of the empire ought to be preserved; but the Prince de Metternich demonstrated on several occasions, and especially

would be found impossible

and in a manner useful to of power in

Europe.

In the

begotiations the Prince de by leant to the side of the Poland had in him a decided to the German constitution

i

onded by an autograph letter written to him committee, and to the conduct of the Prince by the Emperor Alexander of Russia; in de Metternich with regard to the Germanic which his majesty stated, with distinctness, confederation. The King of Wirtemberg, that he fully coincided in the sentiments of dissatisfied with the proceedings of the comPrince Metternich, and desired that his views mittee, and displeased at finding that the propof the rights of the German people, should be ositions made by his representatives were not carried into effect. well received by the other members, sent, on the 16th Nov. 1814, a written protest, in which he required that the whole of the plans of Austria and Prussia, with regard to Germany, should be submitted to him before he should be further required to proceed with the discussions as to the constitution of the confederation. This was the beginning of a serious and formidable opposition. On the very same day, also, a note was delivered to the Princes de Metternich and de Hardenberg, by the plenipotentiaries of twenty-nine foreign princes and free cities of Germany, in which they demanded, without delay, to be called upon to deliberate on the subject of the constitution and the constitution of their common country. This formidable list of twenty-nine was afterwards augmented to thirty-four by the signatures of five other courts. This was the beginning of a very severe conflict, during the whole of which the Prince de Metternich displayed a firmness, forbearance, patience, and energy, which confounded those who were most resolute in opposing him. The Duke of Brunswick was energetic in his complaints. The Grand Duke of Baden was decisive in his demands. The plenipotentiaries of the King of Denmark were loud in their remonstrances. And a host of very petty states indeed joined in the general “charivari" against the firm and unwavering Prince de Metternich.

In the early part of the proceedings of the congress of Vienna, the question of "What was to become of Poland?" was felt to be one of the most difficult. The project relative to the incorporation of the whole of Poland with Russia, as a distinct kingdom, under a viceroy, was at first concerted between Russia and Prussia, at the period of the signature of the treaty of Paris. This project, however, was greatly opposed by the Prince de Talleyrand. In vain did Russia and Prussia invoke a secret article of the treaty of Paris, which compelled France to accede to the division which the "allies" should agree to, of the countries which had been conquered or ceded. The Prince de Talleyrand insisted, that by the word "allies," must be understood the whole of the allies, and not this or that power; and that France would only recognise the decisions come to by the congress en masse. Now, what was the line of conduct adopted by the Prince de Metternich on this important occasion? Did he oppose the Prince de Talleyrand, and the honest and fair interpretation put upon the treaty in the interest of Poland? By no means. He united his voice with those of France and England, and the Polish question was therefore submitted to a new and general discussion. The inconveniences which would have arisen from the union of the whole of Poland, under a Russian viceroy, were at last admitted, even But how instructive and delightful it is to by the King of Prussia, the private friend of notice and record how a giant man with a the Emperor Alexander; who did not believe giant mind calmly, deliberately, and fearlessly that the acquisition of Saxony, and of the proceeded to confront his opponents and to countries between the Meuse and the Moselle, defend his system. He began with the plencould balance the dangers to which the incor-ipotentiaries of the King of Wirtemberg, and poration of Poland would expose his mon- six days after the receipt of their protest, forarchy. The Prince de Talleyrand, with warded a note, which destroyed at once the his consummate tact and finesse, also labored to prove to the other powers, the great evils which must arise from so collossal an aggrandizement of Russia; and he proposed to give to the king of Prussia all the duchy of Warsaw, at least to the banks of the Vistula. This was generally felt to be the best arrangement, provided it would be found impossible to re-establish Poland in a manner useful to the balance of power in Europe. In the whole of these negotiations the Prince de Metternich invariably leant to the side of the unfortunate, and Poland had in him a decided and powerful friend.

But, to return to the German constitution

false accusations which they, in the name of the king, had brought against him. In that admirable document the prince thus expresses his opinion with respect to the "object of the great alliance which had delivered Europe from an ignominious yoke," as far as relates to Germany. He says, "that object, as regards Germany, was the dissolution of the Rhenish confederation, and the re-establishment of German liberty and of the constitution, with some modifications."

Whilst constantly occupied with great questions of principle, in the discussions which took place before the congress and in the various committees, the Prince de Metternich,

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