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and extend the influence of the Englishspeaking race." (p. 98.)

Whether one accepts these broad notions concerning the destiny of the Englishspeaking race, hinging as they do on hasty and inconclusive judgments of that most complex of questions, the relative value of the divisions of the human family; or, indeed, granting for the moment that the premises laid down adequately support these vast conclusions, whether one feels their allurement, or instead is incensed by them: all this does not here concern us. Imperialism here appears before us stripped of industrial politics and clad in the robes of justice and liberty and peace for all mankind. Whether or not our hearts go out to the vision, is beside our point. If we would understand what he was trying to do, we must remember that to this dream of the future Mr. Rhodes dedicated himself. It became nothing less than his religion. To such a conclusion the "due weighing and agreeing to the plan" brought him.

The second and third essentials, namely "the first organization and the seizure of the necessary wealth," except so far as the latter touches the distribution of his own property, may be briefly stated.

For some years he seems to have considered the formation of the secret society. It was to be to the future what the Society of Jesus under Loyola's leadership was to the Papacy, or what Caesar's legions were to the Roman Empire. To the moral force. of the one should be added the material strength of the other. The difficulties involved in such a scheme of organization were, of course, enormous. Upon its members it would lay the obligation of a clearly stated purpose with the minimum opportunity of doing anything toward its fulfillment. Some hints of these difficulties appear in quotations from Mr. Rhodes which Mr. Stead gives us. And it would seem fair

to infer that nothing came of this far-reaching scheme.1

It remains only to deal with the last essential, "the seizure of the necessary wealth," and to show how Mr. Rhodes so far as his own means permitted sought to make his dream come true.

In his will, as published,2 he first provides for a trust fund, from which the "Trustees shall in such manner as in their uncontrolled discretion they shall think fit cultivate (certain estates) for the instruction of the people of Rhodesia." He gives a park at Bulawyo, and also directs that a railroad be built thence to Westacre "so that the people may enjoy the glory of the Matoppos3 from Saturday to Monday." To the same locality he gives an agricultural college. He provides that Groote Schuur, his beautiful homestead, shall become the residence of the Federal premier. He gives outright to Oriel, his own college at Oxford, half a million dollars; to be spent for college buildings, the maintenance of Resident Fellows, for the High Table, and for a Repair Fund.*

He then proceeds to establish the Scholarships. "Whereas, I do consider that the education of young colonists at one of the Universities in the United Kingdom is of great advantage to them for giving breadth to their views for their instruction in life and manners and for instilling into their minds the advantage to the Colonies as well

"Whether or not this inference is correct is hardly to be gathered from Mr. Stead's pages: and so far as known by the writer of this article, no other authority is accessible.

At this writing the will in full has not been made public.

"A range of gigantic barren rocks or mountains, where, at his suggestion, his body was buried.

"As the college authorities live secluded from the world," he adds, "and so are like children as to commercial matters, I would advise them to consult my trustees as to the investment of these various funds. They would receive great assistance from my trustees in such matters.' Perhaps Mr. Rhodes did not over-estimate the value of academic judgment.

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..
THE SUMMIT OF WORLD'S VIEW,'' MR. RHODES' BURIAL PLACE.

the union of the English-speaking peoples
throughout the world and to encourage in
the students from the United States of
North America who will benefit from the
American Scholarships to be established for
the reason above given at the University of
Oxford under this my will an attachment
to the country from which they sprung
but without I hope withdrawing them or
their sympathies from the land of their
adoption or birth.

Africa 24, of which 9 are assigned to Rhodesia; 21 to Australasia, which includes the several divisions of the Australian Federation besides Tasmania and New Zealand; 6 to Canada, 3 each to the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec; 6 to the Atlantic Islands, 3 each to Newfoundland and Bermudas; and 3 to the West Indies.)1

Table condensed from much longer form in the will. The following colonies have received no scholarships;-in Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba,

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each of £250 value, for students of German. birth to be nominated by the Emperor, for Northwest Territories, and British Columbia; in the West Indies, Bahamas, Leeward Islands, Windward Islands, Barbadoes, Trinidad and Tobago; in the Mediterranean, Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus; in the Indian Ocean, Mauritius and Ceylon; in the far east, Borneo, New Guinea and Hong Kong. The Indian Empire, Egypt, and the Soudan are also unmentioned in the bequest.

The average of scholarships to population is one in 760,000 in the United States, and one in 224,000 in the fifteen British Colonies to which they have been allotted. If the omitted colonies were dealt with on the same basis, 33 new scholarships would be needed.

had to

i his literary and scholastic attainments ii his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports such as cricket and football and the like

iii his qualities of manhood truth courage devotion to duty sympathy for the protection of the weak kindliness unselfishness and fellowship

iv his exhibition during school days of

1At the time of the last census there were forty-five States and five Territories.

moral force of character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in his schoolmates for those latter attributes wil be likely in after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public duty as his highest aim."

"No student shall be disqualified for election . . . on account of his race or religious opinions."

While the selection of the student varies in the several Colonies and States, it is left largely to the local universities. In this country it is either vested in the State Universities, or in those universities which enjoy similar prominence within their own commonwealths,-as Yale in Connecticut and Harvard in Massachusetts.

Arrived at Oxford, the student is in the same position as any undergraduate ("commoner") of the University. "The duties of a Rhodes Scholar are not different from any other member of a college," says the Rhodes Agent in Oxford. "The receipt of the Scholarship does not bind him to do anything in particular."

Such are the provisions made by Mr. Rhodes to put his vast plan at least partly into execution. Last September the first American Scholars met in Boston and thence sailed together for Oxford. At the same time the Colonial Scholars were beginning their journey from these fifteen British Colonies. Surely, to quote Milton's phrase, here is a faith manifested in "God's Englishmen."

To what endeavor and achievement in the

far future will this perpetual session of an international conference lead? Who shall say! And yet the comment of Mr. Stead (p. 52) offers some suggestion. "Once each year Founder's Day will be celebrated at Oxford; and not at Oxford only, but wherever on the broad world's surface half a dozen old Rhodes Scholars come together they will celebrate the great ideal of Cecil Rhodes the first of modern statesmen to grasp the sublime conception of the essential unity of the race. Thirty years hereafter there will be between two and three thousand men in the prime of life scattered all over the world, each one of whom will have had impressed upon his mind in the most susceptible period of his life the dream of the Founder."

If in the quarrels of mediaeval Oxford we have seen our modern social adjustments working themselves into definition, if therein we have seen the English nationality slowly emerging; then are we not warranted in seeing in this present movement, in this mere fragment of the Founder's dream come true, the promise of the time when "God's Englishmen" shall establish justice and liberty and peace in a far.broader fellowship?

"Steeped in sentiment as she lies, spreading her gardens to the moonlight, and whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Age," says Matthew Arnold, "who will deny that Oxford, by ner ineffable charm, keeps ever calling us nearer to the true goal of all of us.

THE END.

SOME QUESTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ARISING FROM THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR.

N

VIII.

The Rights and Privi eges of Belligerent Armed Vessels in Neutral Ports. BY AMOS S. HERSHEY,

Associate Professor of European History and Politics, Indiana University.

EXT to the questions relating to contraband, the most important issues raised during the present war from the standpoint of International Law have thus far1 been those connected with the rights and privileges of belligerent armed ships in neutral ports.

One of these questions was raised almost at the very beginning of the war when the Russian gunboat Mandjur remained in the neutral harbor of Shanghai where she was lying at the outbreak of hostilities) in defiance of the orders which had been issued by the Chinese authorities, acting upon the representations of the Japanese consul, that she leave that port within twenty-four hours.2

Japan repeated her demands at Peking and is even said to have threatened a resort to force, but the conduct of the Chinese Government seems to have been extremely weak and vacillating. After prolonged negotiations and repeated agreements to disarm on the part of the Russian authoritiesagreements which do not appear to have been effectively carried out-the Mandjur was finally disarmed and dismantled, and 'November 5, 1904.

"The reluctance of the Mandjur to leave Shanghai appears to have been due to the fact that a large Japanese cruiser was said to have been lying outside the harbor. Mr. De Lessar, the Russian minister at Peking, maintained, however, that the presence of the Mandjur in Shanghai was necessary for the protection of the Russian Consulate there. This question derived additional importance from the fact that the neutrality of China had in a sense been guaranteed by the Powers. The solution of the problem was anxiously awaited by the whole world. See The Green Bag for June, 1904, for the second article of this series entitled, "The Hay Note and Chinese Neutrality."

the important parts of her machinery and armament were placed in the custody of the Chinese Government toward the end of March.3

Another case of the abuse of the hospitality of neutral ports on the part of a Russian vessel arose in February. The Dmitri Donskoi, a cruiser belonging to the Russian Mediterranean fleet, obtained coal at Port Said on the plea that it was needed to enable her to steam to Cadiz on her return voyage to Russia. But the coal thus obtained for an innocent purpose was used in stopping and overhauling several neutral vessels in the vicinity of the Mediterranean entrance to the Suez Canal. "It is quite clear," says Lawrence "that the neutrality of Egypt was violated in a gross and open manner. It is an accepted rule that no proximate acts of war must take place in neutral waters, and they must not be used as a base of operations by either party."

An Associated Press dispatch of February 20, 1904, stated that friendly communications between France and Japan had been exchanged with respect to the stay of the Russian Mediterranean squadron at Jibutil in French Somaliland-a stay which exceeded the twenty-four hours supposed to be prescribed by International Law. the explanation of France for not ordering the Russian vessels to leave Jibutil within that period of time was said to have been entirely satisfactory to the Japanese Government. It appears that the French au

On the case of the Mandjur, see the newspapers from February 19 to March 26, 1904. See especially an article in Collier's Weekly for April 9. War and Neutrality, p. 116.

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