The first chapter treats on the demonic principle of the general will," and very completely refutes the mation of any effential right in it to command obediences Things which have frequently been faid, may obtain great tight by the clearnefs of the manner in which they are delivered, and the mode in which the thoughts are connected. Thefe advantages appear to be fully united in the paffage which we thall now cite.

"The end of government is the general good; all conftitutions ought to be permanent means for the attainment and fecurity of that good. If men gencrally purfued what was moft conducive to their happinefs, certainly thofe governments which admitted most fully of the operation of the general will, would be the beft. Men do not generally will that which is beft for themfelves, therefore it is not generally expedient for them, that their will fhould operate. Want of education to give them habits of just thinking and reasoning, want of knowledge concerning public affairs and the nature of exifting caufes, want of refolution to forego prefent temporary enjoyment, for future permanent advantage, and various other difqualifications, intellectual and moral, under which the common people muft labour, render it totally inexpedient, that the general will fhould be the rule of government.

Experience teaches us, that the wills of men moft frequently be come worfe, from having the power of complete gratification. Thofe who have uniformly the power of doing as they pleafe, more frequently pleafe to do ill than to do good. The capricioufnefs of their defires increafes with their power. Like fpoilt children, they become troublefome to all thofe who are within the fphere of their action, and eventually hurtful to themfelves. Claffes of men, as well as individuals, when their will uniformly operates without restraint, become capricious and deftructive to others and to themfelves. As the wills of individuals require the opposing wills of other individuals to check and correct their caprice and extravagance, fo do thofe of claffes. In political establishments, as well as in private companies and focieties, the felfifh paffions of fome, reftrain the selfish paffions of others; a reciprocal check becomes a general corrective and convenience. On this account, the wifeft men have always been friendly to a government of check, in oppofition to the uncontrouled dominion of any individual, fet of individuals, or the people at large." P. 4,

As a more confiderable and connected fpecimen of the ability with which this work is executed, we fhall give the author's hiftory of Alcibiades complete.

"About this time began to flourish, a man whofe motley history is an excellent illuftration of the operations of popular sway.

"Alcibiades was endowed with almoft all thofe perfections which render a man great, and deficient in almost all thofe qualities which render a man good. His understanding was vigorous, profound, and rapidly quick in its efforts. He perceived, at a glance, the nature of an object, however complicated; the means for attaining it, the circumstances

cumftances that might interfere with the application of thofe means, and the most efficacious way of furmounting obftacles. In his youth, he had that knowledge both of particular facts, and of general principles, which is ufually, even in able men, the acquirement of nature age. Thus he at once pofled the fervor of genius, and the compre henfive coolness of experienced wildom. When a boy, he had been unfortunate in his tutors, who flattered his vanity, and promoted his love of pleafure Socrates attempted his intellectual and moral edueation. In the former he fucceeded, by giving him every juft thought which an extraordinary mind could contain. In the fecond he was unfuccefsful, as he could not form him to virtuous fentiments and habits. Alcibiades was intemperate, even to profligacy, the flave of vanity and of ambition, regarding his country and the world in general, merely as made for the gratification of his love of pieafure, of power, and, above all, of fplendor and admiration.

"Alcibiades was eager to engage the Athenians in projects, which might difplay the wonderful extent and force of his abilities. As he was fhewy, as well as really able; as he had every grace of countenance and figure, as well as talent of the understanding; as he was cloquent as well as wife; as he could adapt his manners and converfation to every defcription of people; as he could join the mob in their buffoonery, as well as Socrates in the theory of his foundest philofo phy, he was a very diftinguished favourite. It was therefore not diffi cult for him to prevail on the people to give him the opportunity he wifhed of fignalizing himfelf. The Athenians, in Pericles's time, had formed an idea of conquering Sicily, Italy, and Africa. Pericles prevented those extravagant fancies from ripening into any fixed defign; a regular plan for the fubjugation of Sicily was referved for Alcibiades. He faw that the conqueft of that ifland would be an exploit, which would at once gratify his vanity and his ambition. He faw that though difficult, it would not be impracticable to the Athenian power, headed by his abilities, and directed by his military skill. His comprehenfive mind eafily perceived, that plays of difant conqueft would even, though fuccefsful, be very dangerous to fo fmall a fate as Athens; that they could not fpare either men or money for fuch an object, without exhaufting their means of defence against their Grecian neighbours, and that therefore the attempt would be impolitical, even if fuccefs were certain. The evil to the country, however, would not prevent great glory and power from accruing to him, from the profperous iffue of the enterprife; compared to that, its mifchief to the country, was to Alcibiades of little confequence. He promoted the scheme with all his influence, and eafily prevailed on the multitude to decree an expedition into Sicily. The refolution being fixed, the Athenians ftrained every nerve, and exhaufted every refource in making preparations. Occupied almoft entirely with the view of foreign conqueft, they made little provifion for their defence at home. A great armament was equipped, and the command was given to Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus. The favour of Alcibiades with the giddy populace, excited great envy among inferior demagogues. Thefe faw that any attempt to attack him, whilft he was prefent,

would

would be ineffectual. His oratory and accomplishments would, with the people, overturn any charge against him, even if juft: they, there fore, waited for his abfence, and affifted in hurrying the expedition. Alcibiades had been reputed to be the author of a profanation of the religion of the country, in disfiguring the ftatues of Mercury, one of the tutelary divinities of Athens. It had alfo been reported, that he and the companions of his debauches had, in the wantonnefs of intoxication and impiety, burlesqued the Eleufinian myfteries, the most facred of Athenian rites. Alcibiades, if not confcious of his innocence, at least confident of his influence with the populace, demanded a trial. His enemies worked on the impatient ambition of the people to defer it till his return, in order not to retard the failing of the armament. The best of the Athenian troops were embarked; the principal part of their treafure was expended. Thus, however imprudent the undertaking might originally be, the hope of the country now refted on its fuccefs. When once engaged in it, the promotion of that fuccefs became not only a defirable, but a neceffary object. The iffue evidently depended on Alcibiades. On their arrival in Sicily, although they had difficulties to furmount, the genius and activity of Alcibiades rendered them triumphant. His addrefs conciliated fome ftates, his military talents conquered others. Syracufe, and the whole island, was in a fair way of yielding to his arms, or to his policy.

Meanwhile the demagogues at Athens ftirred the people against him. The fame frivolity which believed him innocent without a . trial, believed him guilty without a hearing. He was accused in his abfence of the abovementioned acts of irreligion, and charged with afpiring at the fupreme power, underwent the form of a trial, and was, there being no one to fpeak for him, of courfe condemned. Although no criminal code, except that of England, was ever more accurate than the Athenian, yet, from the radical defect of a democracy, trials, at the inftance of the people, were mere colourings for the violence of themfelves and their demagogues. Alcibiades, like Cymon, like Ariflides, Miltiades, and Themistocles, was doomed to punishment unheard. The conduct of the governing populace exhi bited a complication of folly and injuftice, feldom equalled in the annals of fingle defpotifm. First, as to their folly: they were feduced and duped by Alcibiades to engage in a moft extravagant and hurtful project. Having once begun the execution of it, their confequence, as a ftate, depended on its fuccefs; that fuccefs was to depend on Alcibiades. They were duped and feduced by other demagogues to deprive themselves of the only means that could produce the end, which their previous folly rendered neceffary. So wife, and fo able politicians are the multitude. Secondly, as to their injustice: when there was a fufficient ground of enquiry, when the means of proof, or difproof, were at hand, they prefumed Alcibiades to be innocent. When the high appointment conferred on him had publicly manifefted fatisfaction with his conduct, and when the means of proof or difproof of allegations, refpecting his actions, were withdrawn, they declared him guilty. So capable are the people of exercising the discrimination and impartiality of judges,

"Alcibiades

"Alcibiades hearing of his fentence, left the army and failed to Sparta. He inftigated the Lacedemonians to take advantage of the abfence of the Athenian army in Sicily, and to attack Attica. He alfo perfuaded them to fend affiftance to the Sicilian capital, which was now befieged by his countrymen. Deprived of the fuperintending genius and wisdom of Alcibiades, on the one hand, and opposed by the Spartan auxiliaries, in addition to the native troops of Syracufe, the Athenians were repeatedly defeated, and at laft entirely deftroyed: fuch were the effects of the caprice and imbecility of a governing mob; first, in following the counfel of Alcibiades, and then in depriving themfelves of his abilities.

"From the deftruction of the Sicilian armament, together with the preffure of the Peloponnefian war, renewed with double vigour, the Athenians were in the greateft diftrefs. A powerful confederacy was formed against them, at the inftigation of Alcibiades. Narrow, uninformed minds never fail to be infolent in fuccefs: democrats, of all ages and countries, have treated their dependants with the imperioufnefs of illiberality poffeffing power. The Athenians had treated the allies, whom they fraternized, with the greatest infolence, oppreffion, and rapacity. The rulers in a democracy are more nu erous, more extravagant, and more capricious, thin bafhaws and janiffaries. Befides, the turbulence and infolence of democracies, provoke their neighbours to more frequent wars than fingle defpotifm. The moft unjustifiable means are used for raifing money. The Athenians, as we have faid, practifed great extortions. Their allies juftifiably took the opportunity of their misfortunes to throw off an intolerable yoke. The Athenians were repeatedly vanquifhed, and their affairs reduced to the moft defperate fituation. They at length began to reflect on their folly, and to propofe terms of reconciliation to Alcibiades. The profligacy of that motley character, had obliged him to leave Sparta. Having raifed the indignation of that virtuous people by his vices, he refolved to hurt their intereft by his abilities. The Perfian monarch, mindful of the difafters which he and his predeceffors had fuffered from the Athenians, had ordered his viceroys in leffer Afia to affift the Peloponnefians. Alcibiades betook himself to Tiffaphernes, and, by the verfatility of his genius and manners, he gained the favour of that governor. He perfuaded him, that it was the intereft of the king to keep the balance of power nearly equal between the Athenians and Spartans, rather than by crushing the one to raise the other, to be formidable to himfelf. He prevailed on him to withhold part of the money that was intended to pay the Peloponnefian fleet, and to prevent the Phoenician fhips from joining it. By thefe means the Athenians were enabled to regain their naval fu 'periority.Ariftotle obferves, that mutability is one ftriking feature in democracy. That great man faw, in the hiftory of the Gre cian democracies, and inferred, from the principles of human nature, what every man now fees in the awful monuments of recent facts. The Athenians conceived notions of changing their democracy, to which they very justly imputed all their misfortunes. To this they were farther impelled by Alcibiades, who made the overturning of the democracy an indifpenfable condition of again taking the management of

their affairs, and interefting Tiffaphernes in their favour. The go vernment was accordingly changed, and vested in the hands of four hundred perfons. Thefe being men taken from the mob, behaved with that violence and infolence which characterize low people raifed above their former equals. The Athenians had not attended in their change to the real caufe of the inefficacy of democracy, to produce fecurity and happinefs; the want of controuling orders. The four hundred were as uncontrouled as had been the people at large in their democracy. They gained no more by the change, than did the French by their change from the club and mob government in the time of Petion, Briffot, and Condorcet, to that of the junto of Danton, Marat and Robespierre. The Athenians foon tired of their four hundred, and re-established democracy. Alcibiades, the Barrere of the time in verfatility, though infinitely fuperior in talents, and fomewhat lefs profligate in conduct, took the lead in the re-eftablished democracy. He defeated the Peloponnefians in various engagements, and had almoft restored the Athenians to their former fuperiority. Here again the inconfiftency of a mob-government ftrikingly appears. The Athenian populace, becaufe Alcibiades had often been fuccefsful, had, with a wifdom worthy of fuch perfonages, concluded him to be invincible. He was once unfuccefsful; this, without any evidence, they imputed to treachery. He was again condemned unheard, and betook himfelf to banishment.- His fucceffors in the command, being lefs able, were alfo defeated. They were tried with the utmost irregularity and unfairness, condemned, and executed. The all-ruling people compelled their court to give the fatal verdict. Such is the juttice of democratic tribunals. The folly and violence of the Athenians at Laft brought the natural confequence, the ruin of the flate. Having deprived themfelves of their ableft generals, they were defeated in a decifive battle. Athens was taken, difmantled, and made a depen dency of Sparta. Thirty perfons were eftablifhed by Lyfander the Spartan general, to govern Athens with unlimited power.

Thefe tyrants committed every act of wickednefs with impunity. Alcibiades made fome efforts to relieve his country; but was mur dered, at the inftigation of Lyfander, before they could be effectual.”

P. 108.

The reflections of Dr. Biffet on the magnanimity of the Romans, after the defeat at Cannæ, may fuggeft fome useful hints to thofe in this country, who think to obtain an advantageous peace, by crying out that they want it.

"In no fituation did the vigour of the Roman character appear more confpicuously than under misfortune. After defeat, even after the defeat at Canna, they never once deigned to propofe peace. They were aware, that folicitations of peace convey to an enemy an acknowledgment of weakness, and ferve only to encourage him to perfe vere in the conteft, or to infift upon terms which would be difgraceful to the applying nation." P. 199.

We could with pleafure make further extracts from the Roman history contained in the latter part of the volume, the

whole