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NEW HAMrsnInE—Smyth, Union, 35,018; Sinclair, Democrat, 30,176.
CoNNEcrIcUT—Hawley, Union, 43,974; Erglish, Democrat, 43,433.
RHODE ISLAND—Burnside, Union, 8,197 ; Pierce, Democrat, 2,816.
OREGON—Wood, Union, 327 majority.
At the special election in CONNECTICUT, in the fall of 1865, on suffrage, the vote stood:
For colored suffrage, 27,217; against, 33,489. ma'orit against, 6,272.
n \ nsr VIRGINIA, a vote was taken in May, on ratifying this constitutional amendment:
"No person who, since the 1st day of June, 1861, has given or shall give voluntary aid or assistance to the rebellion against the United States, shall be a citizen of this State, or be allowed to vote at any election held therein, unless he has volunteered into the military or naval service of the United States, and has been or shall be honorably discharged therefrom."
The majority in its favor is- 6,922.
In the Territory of NEBRASKA, a vote was taken, with thisresult: For the proposed State constitution, 3,938; against it, 3,838. Congress—Marquette, Union, 4,110; Brooke, Democrat, 3,974. Governor—Butler, Union, 4,093; Morton, Democrat, 3,948.
Gonespondencebetween General Grant and General Lee.
APRIL 7, 1865.
Gen. R. E. LEE, Commanding C. S. A.:
GENERAL: The result of the last Week must convince you of the ho closeness of further re sistance on the part 0 the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of
the Confederate States army known as the Army of Northern Virginia. Very respectfully, our obedient servant, U": S. GRANT, Lieut. Gen., Commanding Armies of the United States.
APRIL 7, 1865. GENERAL; I have received your note of this date. Though not entirely of the opinion you express of the hopelessness of the further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid a useless effusion of blood, and therefore before considering your proposition I ask the terms you will offer on condition of its surrender. R. E. LEE, General. To Lient. Gen. GRANT, Commanding Armies of the United States.
APRIL 8, 1865.
General B. E. LEE, Commanding C. S. A..
GENERAL: Your note of last evening, in repl to mine of same date, asking conditions on whic I will accept the surrender of the Army of N orthern Virginia, is just received.
In reply I would say that eace being my first desire, there is but one con ition I insist upon, viz: That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms again against the Government of the United States, until properl ex-' changed. I will meet you, or designate o cers to meet any officers you may name, for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Vir inia will be received.
ery respectfully, Iyour obedient servant,
APRIL 8, 1865.
GENERAL: I received, at alatehonr, your note of to-day, in answer to mine of yesterday. I did not intend to ropose the surrender of the Army of Northern Elir inia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. 0 be frank, I do not think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender of this army ; but as the restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desire to know whether your proposal would tend to that end. I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the Army of Northern Vir inia; but as far as your proposition may affectt e Confederate States forces under my command, and tend to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 A. M. to-morrow, on the old sta e road to Richmond, between the picket lines
. oft e two armies.
Very respectfullylyour obedient servant, R. . LEE, General, 0. S. A. To Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT, Commanding Armies S. A. , APRIL 9. General R. E. LEE, Commanding C. S. 11.: GENERAL: Your note of yesterday is received. As I have no authority to treat on the subject of peace, the meeting proposed for 10 A. M. today could lead to no good. I will state, however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace
In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th instant, I ropose to receive the surrender of the Army of orthern Virginia on the following terms, to wit:
Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in ' duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer
designated by me, the other to be retained by such oflicer or officers as you may desi nate. The officers to give their individua paroles not to take arms against the Government of the ' United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander si n a like parole for the men of their commands. he arms, artillery, and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed b me to receive them. This will not embrace t e side-arms of officers, nor their private horses or bagga e. . This done, eac i ogicer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as
they observe their parole and the laws in force
where they may reside. Very respectfully, U. S. Gmm'r, I/ieut. Gen.
stno‘ns ARMY or NORTHERN Vmeinm, April 9, 1865. Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT, Com’g U. S. Armies.GENERAL: I have received our letter of this date containin the terms 0 surrender of the Army of Nort ern Virginia, as proposed by you. As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th instant, they are acce ted. I will proceed to designate the proper o cer to carry t e stipulations into effect. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. E. LEE, General. The other Rebel armies subsequently surren dered on substantially the same terms. Agreement between Generals Sherman and Johnston.
Memorandum, or Basis of Agreement, made this 18th day of April, A. D. 1865, near Durham’s Station, in the State of North Carolina, by and between General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding Confederate army, and Ma‘or General William T. Sherman, commanding Army of the United States, both bein present: 1. The contending armies now in tge field to
I maintain the status quo, until notice is given by
the commanding eneral of any one to its opponent, and reasons. le time, say forty-eighthours, allowed. '
2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded and conducted to their several State capitals, therein to deposit their arms and public property in the State arsenal, and each officer and man to execute and file an avreemcni to cease from acts of war, and to abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The number of arms and munitions of war to be reported to the Chief of Ordnance at Washington city, subject to the future action of the Congress of the United States, and in the meantime to be used solel to maintain peace and order within the her ers of the States respectively.
3. The recognition by the Executive of the United States of the several State overnments, on their officers and legislatures ta ing the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the 'United States ; and where conflicting State governments have resulted from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the United States. ’
4. The re-establishment of the Federal Courts in the several States, with powers as defined by the Constitution and laws of Congress. '
5. The people and inhabitants of all these States to be uaranteed, so far as the Executive can, their p0 itical rights and franchise, as well as their rights of person and property, as defined by the Constitution of the United States, and of the States respectively.
6. The Executive authority of the Government of the United States not to disturb any of the people by reason of the late war, so long as they live in (peace and quiet, and abstain from acts of arme hostility, and obey the laws in existence at the place of their residence.
7. In general terms, the war to cease, a general amnesty, so far as the Executive of the United States can command, on the condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies, dis
tribution of arms, and the resum tion of peaceable pursuits by the officers and men hitherto composin such armies. Not being fully empowered y our respective principals to fulfil these terms, we individually and ofiicially pledge ourselves to promptly obtain an answer thereto, and to carry out the above programme. ' \V. T. SHERMAN, Maj. Gen, Commanding Army U. S. in N. C'. J. E. Jonnsron, General, Commanding C'. S. A. in N. 0.
The following oflicial dispatch to the Associated Press gives the particulars of its disapproval, and the supposed reasons therefor:
Wasnnveron, April 22.—Yesterday eveninga bearer of despatches arrived from General Sherman. An agreement for a suspension of hostilities, and a memorandum of what is called a basis for peace, had been entered into on the 18th inst, by General Sherman with the rebel General" Johnston, the rebel General Breckinrid e being present at the conference.
1% Cabinet meetinghwas held at 8 o’clock in the evening, at which t e action of General Sherman was disapproved by the President, the Secretar of War, by General Grant, and by every mem er of the Cabinet.
General Sherman was ordered to resume hostilities immediately, and he was directed that the instructions given by the late President, in the following telegram, which was penned by Mr. Lincoln imself, at the Capitol, on the night of the 8d of March, were approved b President Andrew Johnson, and were reiterate to govern the action of military commanders.
On the night of the 3d of March, while President Lincoln and his Cabinet were_at the Capitol, a telegram from General Grant was brou ht to the Secretary of War, informing him t at General Lee had requested an interview or conference to make an arrangement for terms of
eace. The letter of General Lee was published in a messa e of Davis to the rebel Congress.
General ‘rant's telegram was submitted to Mr. Lincoln, who, after fpondering a few minutes, took up his pen an wrote with his own hand the fol owing reply, which he submitted to the Secretary of State and Secretary of War. It was then dated, addressed, and signed by the Secretary of War, and tele raphed to General Grant:
Wasnmeron, Marc 3,1866, 12 P. M.—Lieutenant General Grant .~ The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have no conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitulation of General Lee’s army, or on some minor and urely military matter. He instructs me to say t at you,are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to no military conferences or conventions. Meantime, you are to press to the utmost your military advanta es.
Enwm I. STANTON,
After the Cabinet meeting last niwht, General Grant started for North Carolina to direct operations against Johnston’s army.
Enwm M. Srnn'ron,
It is reported that this proceeding of General Sherman ‘was disapproved for the following, among other, reasons:
1. It was an exercise of authority not vested in General Sherman, and on its face shows that both he and Johnston knew that General Sherman had no authority to enter into any such arrangement.
2. It was a practical acknowledgment of the rebel government. '
3. 1t undertook to re-establish the rebel State governments that had been overthrown at the sacrifice of many thousand loyal lives and immense treasure, and placed the arms and munitions of war in the hands of the rebels at their respective capitals, which might be used as soon as the armies of the United States were disbanded, and used to conquer and subdue the loyal States.
4. By the restoration of rebel authority in their respective States, they would be enabled to reestablish slavery. ‘
5. It mioht furnish a ground of responsibility by the Federal Government to pay the rebel debt, and'certainly subjects the loyal citizens of gebel States to debt contracted by rebels in the
6. It would put in dispute the existence of loyal State governments, and the new State of West Virginia, which had been recognized by every department of the United States Government.
7. It practically abolished the. confiscation laws, and relieved the rebels, of every degree, who had slaughtered our people, from all pains and penalties for their crimes.
8. It gave terms that had been deliberately, repeatedly, and solemnly rejected by President Lincoln, and better terms than the rebels had ever asked in their most prosperous condition.
9. It formed no basis of true and lasting peace, but relieved the rebels from the pressure of our victories, and left them in condition to renew their efforts to overthrow the United States Government and subdue the loyal States whenever their stren th was recruite and any opportunity should 0%er.
General Grant’s Orders. [General Orders, No. 3.]
WAR DEPARTMENT, Amnrnxr GENERAL'S OFFICE, Wasnrne'rorr, January 12, 1866. TO PROTECT PERSONS AGAINST IMPROPER (:1er sons AND rmmmrns IN LATE BEBELLIOUS
Military division and department commanders, whose commands embrace or are composed of any of the late rebellious States, and who have not already done so, will at once issue and enforce orders protecting from prosecution or suits in the Slate, or municipal courts of such State, all ofiicers and soldiers of the armies of the United States, and all persons thereto at. tached, or in anywise thereto belonging, subject to military authority, charged with offences for acts done in their military capacity, or pursuant to orders from proper military authority; and to protect from suit or prosecution all loyal citizens, or persons charged with offences done
against the rebel forces, directly or indirectly, during the existence of the rebellion; and all persons,their agents and em loyés, charged with the occupancy of abandoned ands or plantations, Or the possession or custody of any kind of property whatever, who occupied, used, possessed, or controlled the same pursuant to the order of the President, or an of the civil or military departments of the Government, and to protect them from any penalties or damages that may have been or may be pronounced or adjud ed in said courts in any of such cases; and also protecting colored persons from prosecutions in any of said States charged with offences for which white persons are not rosecuted or punished in the same manner and egree. By command of Lieutenant General Grant: E. D. Towssnsn, Assistant Adjutant General.
. SUPPRESSION OF DISLOYAL NEWSPAPERS.
HEADQUARTERS Annrns or UNITED Smrns, Wasnmoron, Feb. 17, 1866. You will please send to these headquarters as soon as practicable, and from time to time thereafter, such copies of newspapers published in your department as contain sentiments of disoyalty and hostility to the Government in any of its ranches, and state whether such paper. is habitual in its utterance of such sentiments. The persistent ublication of articles calculated to keep up a restility of feeling between the people of different sections of the country cannot be tolerated. This information is called for with a view to their suppression, which will be done from these headquarters only. By order of Lieutenant Genera Grant: T. S. Bownns, Assistant Adjutant General.
Democratic Convention of Penn., March 5, 1866.
Resolved, That the thanks of the Democracy of Pennsyl— vnnia be tendered to the Hon. Charles R. Buckalew and llon. Edgar Cowan, for their patriotic support of the President's restoration policy: and that such thanks are due to all the democratic members of Congress for their advocacy of the restoration policy of President Johnson.
Union Convention of Pennsylvania, March 7.
The Democracy of Pennsylvania, in Convention met, rec— ognizing a crisis in the affairs of the Republic, and esteeming the immediate restoration of the Union paramount to all other issues, do resolve:
1. That the States, whereof the people were lately in rebellion, are integral parts of the Union and are entitled to representation in Congress by men duly elected who hear true faith to the Constitution and laws, and in order to vindicate the maxim that taxation without representation is tyranny, such representatives should be forthwith admitted. .
2. That the faith of the Republic is pledged to the payment of the national debt, and Congress should pass all laws necessary for that purpose.
3. That we owe obedience to the Constitution of the United States, (including the amendment prohibiting slavery), and under its provisions will accord to those emancipated all their rights of person and property.
4. That each State has the exclusive right to regulate the qualifications of its own electors.
5. That the white race alone is entitled to the control of the Government of the Republic, and we are unwilling to grant the negroes the right to vote.
6. That the bold enunciation of the principles of the Constitution and thé policy of restoration contained in the recent annual message and Freedmen’s Bureau veto mes— sage of President Johnson entitle him to the confidence and support of all who respect the Constitution and love their country. I
7. That the nation owes to the brave men of our armies and navy a debt of lasting gratitude for their heroic services in defence of the Constitution and the Union; and that while we cherish with a tender affection the memories of the fallen, we pledge to their widows and orphans the nation’s care and protection.
8. That we urge upon Congress the duty of equalizing the bounties of our soldiers and sailors.
The following was also adopted:
2. That the most imperative duty of the present is to gather the legitimate fruits of the war, in order that our Constitution may come out of the rebellion purified, our institutions strengthened, and our national life prolonged.
3. That failure in these grave duties would be scarcely less criminal than would have been an acquiescence in secession and in the treasonable machinations of the conspirators, and Would be an insult to every soldier who took up arms to save the country.
4. That filled with admiration at the patriotic devotion and fearless courage with' which Andrew Johnson resisted and denounced the efforts of the rebels to overthrow the National Government, Pennsylvania rejoiced to express her entire confidencein his character and principles, and nppre~ ciation of his noble conduct, by bestowing her suffrage upon him for the second position in honor and dignity in the country. His bold and outspoken denunciation of the crime of treason, his firm demands for the punishment of the guilty offenders, and his expressions of thorough sympathy with the friends of the Union, secured for him the Warmest attachment of her people, who. remembering his great services and sacrifices, while traitors and their sympathizers alike denounced his patriotic action, appeal to him to stand firmly by the side, and to repose upon the support, of the loyal masses, whose votes formed the foundation of his promotion, and who pledge to him their unswerving support in all measures by which treason shall be stigmatized, loyalty recognized, and the freedom, stability, and unit" of the N ational Union restored.
5. That the work of restoring the late insurrectionary States to their proper relatiOns to the Union necessarily devolves upon the law-making power, and that until such action shall be taken no State late‘v in insurrection is entitled to representation in either branch of Congress; that,
'as preliminary to such action, it is the right of Congress to
investigate for itself the condition of the legislation of those States, to inquire respecting their loyalty, and to prescribe the terms of restoration, and that to deny this necessary constitutional power is to deny and imperil one of the dearest rights belonging to our representative form of government, and that we cordially approve of the action of the Union representatives in Congress from Pennsylvania on this subject.
6. That no man who has voluntarily engaged in the late rebellion, or has held office under the rebel organization, should be allowed to sit in the Congress of the Union, and that the law known as the test oath should not be repealed, but should be enforced against all claimants for seats in Congress.
7. That the national faith is sacredly pledged to the payment of the national debt incurred in the war to save the country and to suppress rebellion, and that the people will not suffer this faith to be violated orimpaired; butall debts incurred to support the rebellion were unlawful, void, and of no obligation, and shall never be assumed by the United States, nor shall any State be permitted to pay any evidences of so vile and wicked engagements.
15. That in this crisis of public affairs, full of grateful recollections of his marvellous and memorable services on the field of battle, we turn to the example of unfaltering and uncompromising loyalty of Lieutenant General Grant with a confidence not less significant and unshaken, because at no period of our great struggle has his proud name been associated with a doubtful patriotism, or used for sinister purposes by the enemies of our common country.
17. That the Hon. Edgar Cowan, Senator from Pennsylvania, by his course in the Senate of the United States, has disappointed the hopes and forfeited the confidence of those to whom he owes his place, and that he is hereby most earnestly requested to resign.
The following resolution was offered as a substitute for the fourth resolution, but after some discussion was withdrawn:
That, relying on the well-tried loyalty and devotion of Andrew Johnson to the cause of the Union in the dark days of treason and rebellion, and remembering his patriotic conduct, services, and sufferings, which in times past endeared his name to the Union party; and now reposing full confidence in his ability, integrity, and patri"‘.ism, we express the hope and confidence that the policy of his Administration will be so shaped and conducted as to save the nation from the perils which still surround it.
The fourth resolution was then adopted—yeas 109, nays 21.
General Grant’s Order for the Protection of Cit
Wasmxo'ros, July 6, 1866. [General Orders, No. 44.]
Department, district, and post commanders in the States lately in rebellion are hereby directed to arrest all persons who have been or may hereafter be charged with the commission Of crimes and ofl‘ences against officers, agents. citizens, and inhabitants of the United States, irrespective of color, in cases where the civil authorities have failed, neglected, or are unable to arrest and bring such parties to trial, and to detain them in military confinement until such time as a proper judicial tribunal may be ready and willing to try them.
A strict and prompt enforcement of this order is required.
By command of Lieutenant General Grant:
E. D. Towxsssn, Assisumt Acliutant General.
Unconditional Union Convention of Maryland, June 6, 1866.
Resolved, That the registered loyal voters of Maryland will listen to no propositions to repeal or modify the registry law, which was enacted in conformity with the provisions ot' the constitution, and must remain in full force until such time as the registered voters of the State shall decree that the organic law shall he changed.
2. That the loyal people of the State are “ the legitimate guardians and depositaries of its power,” and that the disloyal "have nojust right to complain oi' the hardships ofa law which they have themselves deliberately provoked.”
3. That it is the opinion of this convention, that if disloyal persons should be registered, it will be the duty of judges of election to administer the oath prescribed by the constitution to all whose loyalty may be challenged, a d, in the language of the constitution, to "carefully exclude}er voting” all that are disqualified.
4. That we cordially endorse the reconstruction policy of Congress, which excludes the leaders of the rebellion from all offices of profit or trust under the National Government, and places the basis of representation on the only just and honest principle, and that a white man in Virginia or South Carolina should have just as much representative power, and no more, than a white man in Pennsylvania or Ohio.
5. That the question of negro suffrage is not an issue in the State of Maryland, but is raised by ,the enemies of the Union party for the purpose of dividing and distracting it, and by this means to ultimately enable rebels to vote.
6. That we are pledged to the maintenance of the present constitu'ion of Maryland, which expressly and emphatically prohibits both rebel suffrage and negro suffrage, and we are equally determined to uphold the registry law, which disfranchises rebels and excludes negroes from voting, and have no desire or intention of rescinding or abolishing either the constitution or the registry law.
7. That we warn the Union men of Maryland “that no Union man, high or low, should court the favor of traitors, as they can never win it—from the flrstthey have held him as their enemy, and to the last they will be his; and that they should eschew petty rivalries, frivolous jealousies, and self-seeking cabals; so shall they save themselves falling one by one, an unpitied sacrifice, in a contemptible struggle.”
The vote upon the adoption of each resolution was unanimous, with the exception of the sixth resolution, upon which a division was called, and the result showed 5-]. yeas to 14 nays.
The resolutions were then read as a whole, and adopted unanimously as the utterance of the Convention.
Convention of Southern Unionists. To run LOYAL erorusrs or res Souru:
The great issue is upon us! The majority in Congress, and its supporters, firmly declare that “the rights of the citizen enumerated in the Constitution, and established by the supreme law, mustobe maintained inviolate.”
Rebels and rebel sympathizers assert that “ the rights of
the citizen must be left to the States alone, and under such regulations as the respective States choose voluntarily to prescribe.”
We have seen this doctrine of State sovereignty carried out in its practical results until all authority in Congress was denied, the Union temporarily destroyed, the constitutional rights of the citizen of the South nearly annihilated, and the land desolated by civil war.
The time has come when the restructure of Southern State government must be laid on constitutional principles, or the despotism, grown up under an atrocious leadership, be permitted to remain. We know of no other plan than that Congress. under its constitutional powers, shall new exercise its authority to establish the principle whereby protection is made coextensive with citizenship.
We maintain that no State, either by its organic law or legislation can make transgression on the rights of the citizen legitimate. We demand and ask you to concur in demanding protection to every citizen of the great Republic on the basis of equality before the law; and further, that no State government should be recognized as legitimate under the Constitution in so far as it does not by its organic law make impartial protection full and complete.
Under the doctrine of “ State sovereignty.” with rebels in the foreground. controlling Southern legislatures, and embittered by disappointment in their schemes to destroy the Union, there will be no safety for the loyal element of the South. Our reliance for protection is now on Congress, and the great Union party that has stood and is standing by our nationality, by the constitutional rights of the citizen, and by the beneficent principles ofthe government.
For_ the purpose of bringing the loyal Unionists of the South into conjunctive action with the true friends of re— publican government in the North. we invite you to send delegates in goodly numbers from all the Southern States, including Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland, and DeIaWare, to meet at Independence ilall, in the city of Philadelphia, on the first Monday of September next. It is proposed that we should meet at that time to recommend measures for the establishment of such government in the South as accords with and protects the rights of all citizens. We trust this call will he responded to by numerous dele~ gations of such as represent the true loyalty of the South. That kind of government which gives full protection to all rights of the citizen, such as our fathers intended.- we claim as our birthright. Either the lovers of constitutional liberty must rule the nation or rebels and their sympathizers be permitted to misrule it. Shall loyalty 0r disloyalty have the keeping of the destinies of the nation? Let the responses to this call which is now in circulation for signatures, and is being numerously signed, answer. Notice is given that gentlemen at a distance can have their names attached to it by sending a request by letter directed to D. W. Bingham, Esq., of Washington, D. C.
Tennessee................W. B. Sroxss, ; -.-'Zj.~