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that bear on the subject, to which we will now | proclamations of amnesty issued by Mr. Lincoln refer. and his successor under the authority of Congress First. One of the resolutions of the Chicago are also inconsistent with the idea that the convention, by which Mr. Lincoln was first nomi- parties included within them are not to be held. nated for the presidency, says, "that the main-in the future, restored to all rights belonging to tenance inviolate of the rights of the States is es- them as citizens of their respective States. A sential to the balance of power on which the power to pardon is a power to restore the offender prosperity and endurance of our political fabric to the condition in which he was before the date depend." In his inaugural address of 4th March, of the offence pardoned. 1861, which received the almost universal approval of the people, among other things he said, "no State of its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;" and that "in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States."

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is submitted, would be a foul blot on the good name of the nation. Upon the whole, therefore, in the present state of the country, the excitement which exists, and which may mislead legislatures already elected, we think that the matured sense of the people is not likely to be ascertained on the subject of the proposed amendment by its submission to existing State legislatures. If it should be done at all, the submission should either be to legislatures hereafter to be elected, or to conventions of the people chosen for the purpose. Congress may select either mode, but they have selected neither. It may be submitted to legislatures already in existence, whose members were heretofore elected with no view to the consideration of such a measure; and it may consequently be adopted, though a majority of the people of the States disapprove of it. In this respect, if there were no other objections to it, we think it most objectionable.

It is now settled that a pardon removes not only the punishment, but all the legal disabilities consequent on the crime. (7 Bac. Ab. Tit. Par) Bishop on Criminal Law (vol. 1, p. 713) states the same doctrine. The amnesties so declared would be but false pretences if they were, as now held, to leave the parties who have availed themselves of them in almost every particular in the condition they would have been Second. Actual conflict soon afterwards en-in if they had rejected them. Such a result, it sued. The South, it was believed, misapprehended the purpose of the Government in carrying it on, and Congress deemed it imporant to dispel that misapprehension by declaring what the purpose was. This was done in July, 1861, by their passing the following resolution, offered by Mr. Crittenden : That in this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged, upon our part, in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease.' The vote in the House was 119 for and 2 against it, and in the Senate 30 for and 5 against it. The design to conquer or subjugate, or to curtail or Whether regard be had to the nature or the interiere in any way with the rights of the States, terms of the Constitution, or to the legislation is in the strongest terms thus disclaimed, and the of Congress during the insurrection, or to the only avowed object asserted to be "to defend course of the judicial department, or to the conand maintain the spirit of the Constitution, and duct of the executive, the undersigned confito preserve the Union, AND THE DIGNITY, EQUAL- dently submit that the southern States are ITY, AND RIGHTS OF THE SEVERAL STATES UNIM-States in the Union, and entitled to every right PAIRED. Congress, too, by the act of 13th July, and privilege belonging to the other States. If 1861, empowered the President to declare, by any portion of their citizens be disloyal, or are proclamation," that the inhabitants of such State not able to take any oath of office that has been or States where the insurrection existed are in a or may be constitutionally prescribed, is a quesstate of insurrection against the United States," tion irrespective of the right of the States to be and thereupon to declare that "all commercial represented. Against the danger, whatever intercourse by and between the same, by the that may be, of the admission of disloyal or discitizens thereof and the citizens of the United qualified members into the Senate or House, it States, shall cease and be unlawful so long as is in the power of each branch to provide against such condition of hostility shall continue." Here, by refusing such admission. Each by the Conalso, Congress evidently deals with the States as stitution is made the judge of the election rebeing in the Union and to remain in the Union. turns and qualifications of its own members. It seeks to keep them in by forbidding commer-No other department can interfere with it. Its cial intercourse between their citizens and the citizens of the other States so long, and so long only, as insurrectionary hostility shall continue. That ended, they are to be, as at first, entitled to the same intercourse with citizens of other States that they enjoyed before the insurrection. In other words, in this act, as in the resolution of the same month, the dignity, equality, and rights of such States (the insurrection ended) were not to be held in any respect impaired. The several

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decision concludes all others. The only corrective; when error is committed, consists in the responsibility of the members to the people. But it is believed by the undersigned to be the clear duty of each house to admit any Senator or Representative who has been elected according to the constitutional laws of the State, and who is able and willing to subscribe the oath required by constitutional law.

It is conceded by the majority that "it would

if long persisted in, result in danger to the nation. In the words of an eminent British whig statesman, now no more, "A free constitution and large exclusions from its benefit cannot subsist together; the constitution will destroy them, or they will destroy the constitution." It is hoped that, heeding the warning, we will guard against the peril by removing its cause.

undoubtedly be competent for Congress to waive | of time; while its opposite cannot fail to keep all formalities, and to admit those Confederate us divided, injuriously affect the particular and States at once, trusting that time and experience general welfare of citizen and Government, and, would set all things right." It is not, therefore, owing to a want of constitutional power that it is not done. It is not because such States are not States with republi an forms of government. The exclusion must therefore rest on considerations of safety or of expediency alone. The first, that of safety, we have already considered, and, as we think, proved it to be without foundation. Is there any ground for the latter expediency? We think not. On the contrary, in our judgment, their admission is called for by the clearest expediency. Those States include a territorial area of 850,000 square miles, an area larger than that of five of the leading nations of Europe. They have a coast line of 3,000 miles, with an internal water line, including the Mississippi, of about 36,000 miles. Their agricultural products in 1850 were about $560,000,000 in value, and their population 9,664,656. Their staple productions are of immense and growing importance and are almost peculiar to that region. That the North is deeply interested in having such a country and people restored to all the rights and privileges that the Constitution affords no sane man, not blinded by mere party considerations, or not a victim of disordering prejudice, can for a moment doubt. Such a restoration is also necessary to the peace of the country. It is not only important but vital to the potential wealth of which that section of our country is capable, that cannot otherwise be fully developed. Every hour of illegal political restraint, every hour the possession of the rights the Constitution gives is denied, is not only in a political but a material sense of great injury to the North as well as to the South. The southern planter works for his northern brethren as well as for himself. His labors heretofore inured as much if not more to their advantage than to his. Whilst harmony in the past between the sections gave to the whole a prosperity, a power, and a renown of which every citizen had reason to be proud, the restoration of such harmony will immeasurably increase them all. Can it, will it be restored as long as the South is kept in political and dishonoring bondage? and can it not, will it not be restored by an opposite policy? By admitting her to all the rights of the Constitution, and by dealing with her citizens as equals and as brothers, not as inferiors and enemies, such a course as this will, we are certain, soon be seen to bind them heart and soul to the Union, and inspire them with confidence in its government, by making them feel that all enmity is forgotten, and that justice is being done to them. The result of such a policy, we believe, will at once make us in very truth one people, as happy, as prosperous, and as powerful as ever existed in the tide

The undersigned have not thought it necessary to examine into the legality of the measures adopted, either by the late or the present President, for the restoration of the southern States. It is sufficient for their purpose to say that, if those of President Johnson were not justified by the Constitution, the same may at least be said of those of his predecessor. We deem such an examination to be unnecessary, because, however it might result, the people of the several States who possessed, as we have before said, the exclusive right to decide for themselves what constitutions they should adopt, have adopted those under which they respectively live. The motives of neither President, however, whether the measures were legal or not, are liable to censure. The sole object of each was to effect a complete and early union of all the States; to make the General Government, as it did at first, embrace all, and to extend its authority and secure its privileges and blessings to all alike. The purity of motive of President Johnson in this particular, as was to have been expected, is admitted by the majority of the committee to be beyond doubt; for, whatever was their opinion of the unconstitutionality of his course, and its tendency to enlarge the executive power, they tell us that they "do not for a moment impute to him any such design, but cheerfully concede to him the most patriotio motives." And we cannot forbear to say, in conclusion, upon that point, that he sins against light, and closes his eyes to the course of the President during the rebellion, from its inception to its close, who ventures to impeach his patriotism. Surrounded by insurrectionists, he stood firm. His life was almost constantly in peril, and he clung to the Union, and discharged all the obligations it imposed upon him, even the closer because of the peril. And now that he has escaped unharmed, and by the confidence of the people has had devolved upon him the executive functions of the Government, to charge him with disloyalty is either a folly or a slander: folly in the fool who believes it; slander in the man of sense, if any such there be, who utters it.

REVERDY JOHNSON,
A. J. ROGERS,
HENRY GRIDER.

VIII.

VOTES ON PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.

The Constitutional Amendment, as Finally | tion or rebellion against the same, or given aid Adopted and Submitted to the Legislatures or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Conof the States.

IN SENATE.

1866, June 8-The Amendment in these words, as finally amended, as brought to a vote: Joint resolution prop sing an amendment to the

Constitution of the United States.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by threefourths of said legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE 14.

gress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability.

SEC. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.

SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions

of this article.

It passed-yeas 33, nays 11, as follow:

YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Conness, CraHenderson, Howard, Howe. Kirkwood. Lane of Kansas. Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Poland, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates-33.

SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdic-gin, Creswell, Edmunds, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Harris tion thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

NAYS-Messrs. Cowan, Davis, Doolittle, Guthrie, Hendricks, Johnson, McDougall, Norton, Riddle, Saulsbury, Van Winkle-11.

Wright-5.

ABSENT-Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Dixon, Nesmith,
IN HOUSE.
June 13-The Amendment passed-yeas 138,
nays 36, as follow:

SEC. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their res- YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Delos R. pective numbers, counting the whole number of Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Beaman, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Blow, persons in each State, excluding Indians not Boutwell, Brandegee, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Buntaxed. But when the right to vote at any elec-dy, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cook, tion for the choice of electors for President and Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Cullom. Darling, Davis, Dawes. Defrees, Delano, Deming, Vice-President of the United States, representa- Eliot, Farnsworth, Farquhar, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Gristives in Congress, the executive and judicial wold, Hale, Abner C. Harding, Hart, Hayes, Henderson, Higofficers of a State, or the members of the legis- D. Hubbard, Demas Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, James R. by, Holmes, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Chester lature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- Hubbell, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years ley, Kelso, Ketcham, Kuykendall, Laflin, Latham, George of age, and citizens of the United States, or in V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, Marvin, McClurg, McKee, McRuer, Mercur, Miller, any way abridged, except for participation in Moorhead, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, rebellion or other crime, the basis of representa-Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Phelps, Pike, Plants, Pometion therein shall be reduced in the proportion roy, Price, William H. Randall, Raymond, Alexander H. Rice, John II. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, which the number of such male citizens shall Shellabarger, Sloan, Smith, Spalding, Stevens, Stillwell, bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-Thayer, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Trowbridge, Upone years of age in such State.

liams James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, the Speaker-138.

son, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Warner, Ellihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Washburn, SEC. 3. No person shall be a senator or rep-William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworth, Whaley, Wilresentative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrec-10.

NAYS-Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Chanler, Coffroth,
Dawson, Denison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Grider,
Aaron Harding, Hogan, Edwin N. Hubbell, James M. Hum
phrey, Johnson, Kerr, Le Blond, Marshall, McCullough,
Niblack, Nicholson, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Ritter,
Rogers, Ross, Shanklin, Sitgreaves, Strouse, Taber, Taylor,
Thornton, Trimble, Winfield, Wright-36.
James lumphrey, Jones, McIndoe, Noell, Rousseau, Starr-

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Culver, Goodyear,. Harris, Hill,

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Preliminary Proceedings.

Prior to the adoption of the joint resolution in the form above stated, these reports were made from the Joint Committee, and these votes were taken in the two Houses:

IN HOUSE.

April 30-Mr. Stevens, from the Joint Select Committee on Reconstruction reported a joint resolution, as follows:

A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Be it resolved, &c., (two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE

SEC. 1. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

SEC. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But whenever in any State the elective franchise shall be denied to any portion of its male citizens not less than twenty-one years of age, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation in such State shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens not less than twenty-one years of age.

SEC. 3. Until the 4th day of July, in the year 1870, all persons who voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection, giving it aid and comfort, shall be excluded from the right to vote for representatives in Congress and for electors for President and Vice-President of the United States.

SEC. 4. Neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation already incurred, or which may hereafter be incurred, in aid of insurrection or of war against the United States, or any claim for compensation for loss of involuntary service or labor.

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Ames, Anderson, Banks, Baxter, Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, onkling. Cook. Defrees, Dixon, Bidwell, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Chanler, Reader W. Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Eldridge, Eliot, Grider, Grinnell, Aaron Harding, Abner C. Harding, Harris, Hart, Higby, Holmes, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Demas Hubbard. Ingersoll, Julian, Kelley, Kelso, Kerr, William Lawrence, Le Blond, Loan, Lynch, Marston, McClurg, McCullough, McIndoe, Mercur, Morrill, Moulton, Niblack,

O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Price, John H.
Rice, Ritter, Rogers, Rollins, Ross, Rousseau, Sawyer,
Schenck, Scofield, Shanklin, Shellabarger, Spalding, Stevens,
Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Thornton, Trowbridge,
Upson, Ward, Ellihu B. Washburne, Welker, James F. Wil-
son, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom. Woodbridge-84.
Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Barker, Beaman, Benjamin, Bergen,
NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Ancona, Delos R. Ashley, James M.
Bingham, Blaine, Blow, Boyer, Buckland, Bundy, Coffroth,
Cullom, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Dawson, Delano, Deming,
brenner, Goodyear, Griswold, Hayes, Henderson, Chester D.
Dodge, Donnelly, Farnsworth, Ferry, Finck, Garfield. Gloss-
Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, Hulburd, James Humphrey,
Jenckes, Kasson, Ketcham, Kuykendall, Laflin, Latham,
George V. Lawrence, Longyear, Marshall, McKee, McRuer,
Miller, Moorhead, Morris, Myers, Newell, Phelps, Plants,
Radford, Samuel J. Randall, William II.ndall. Raymond,
Taber, Taylor, Thayer, Trimble, Burt Van Horn, Robert T.
Alexander II. Rice, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stillwell, Strouse,
Van Horn,. Warner, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Wash-
burn, Whaley, Williams, Winfield, Wright-79.

The joint resolution, as above printed, then passed-yeas 128, nays 37, as follow:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Beaman, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine. Llow, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Bundy, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cook, Cullom, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Defrees, Delano, Deming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Abner C. Harding, Hart, Hayes, Henderson, Higby, Holmes, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Chester D. Hubbard, Demas Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, Hulburd, James Humphrey, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Ketcham, Kuykendall, Laflin, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, McClurg, McIndoe, McKee McRuer, Mercur, Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Plants, Price, William II. Randall, Raymond, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Scofield, Shellabarger, Spalding, Stevens, Stillwell, Thayer, Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Warner, Ellihu B Washburne, Henry D Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, the Speaker-128.

NAYS-Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Chanter, Coffroth,

Dawson, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Goodyear, Grider, Aaron Harding, Harris, Kerr, Latham, Le Blond, Marshall, McCullough, Niblack, Phelps, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Ritter, Rogers, Ross, Rousseau, Shanklin, Sigreaves, Smith, Strouse, Taber, Taylor, Thornton, Trimble, Whaley, Winfield, Wright-37.

The amendments of the Senate were made to

this proposition, when it was finally adopted by each House, in the form first stated.

SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to en-mittee, also reported this bill : force, by appropriate legislation, the provisions

of this article.

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The Accompanying Bills. April 30-Mr. Stevens, from the same comA Bill to provide for restoring the States lately in insurrection to their full political rights. insurrection should, at the earliest day consistent Whereas it is expedient that the States lately in with the future peace and safety of the Union, rights; and whereas the Congress did, by joint be restored to full participation in all political latures of the several States, as an amendment to resolution, propose for ratification to the legisthe Constitution of the United States, an article in the following words, to wit:

[For article, see page 102.] Now, therefore,

Be it enacted, &c., That whenever the aboverecited amendment shall have become part of the

Constitution of the United States, and any State | which may be included within this Union, ac

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cording to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed: Provided, That whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color, all persons of such race or color shall be excluded from the basis of representation. Mr. Stevens moved to insert the word "there

curs.

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Sundry propositions of amendment were offered, and

SEO. 2. And be it further enacted, That when any State lately in insurrection shall have rati-in" after the word "persons where it last ocfied the foregoing amendment to the Constitution, any part of the direct tax under the act of August 5, 1861, which may remain due and unpaid in such State may be assumed and paid by such State; and the payment thereof, upon proper assurances from such State to be given to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, may be postponed for a period not exceeding ten years from and after the passage of this act.

April 30-Mr. Stevens, from the same committee, also reported this bill:

A Bill declaring certain persons ineligible to office under the Government of the United States.

Be it enacted, &c., That no person shall be eligible to any office under the Government of the United States who is included in any of the following classes, namely:

1. The president and vice president of the confederate States of America, so called, and the heads of departments thereof.

2. Those who in other countries acted as agents of the confederate States of America, so called.

3. Heads of Departments of the United States, officers of the army and navy of the United States, and all persons educated at the Military or Naval Academy of the United States, judges of the courts of the United States, and members of either House of the Thirty-Sixth Congress of the United States who gave aid or comfort to the late rebellion.

4. Those who acted as officers of the confederate States of America, so called, above the grade of colonel in the army or master in the navy, and any one who, as Governor of either of the so-called confederate States, gave aid or comfort to the rebellion.

5. Those who have treated officers or soldiers or sailors of the army or navy of the United States, captured during the late war, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war.

Neither of these bills has been voted on up to the time this page goes to press.

The Negatived Amendment on Representation

and Direct Taxes.

IN HOUSE.

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January 30-The report was recommitted, without instructions-the motion of Mr. Le Blond to commit it to the Committee of the Whole having been lost, yeas 37, nays 133. (Messrs. McRuer and Rousseau and 35 Democrats made up the affirmative vote.)

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Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed: Provided, That whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color, all persons therein of such race or color shall be excluded from the basis of representation.

Mr. Schenck submitted this as a substitute for the "Article:"

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union according to the number of male citizens of the United States over twenty-one years of age having the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the session after the ratification of this amendment State legislature. The Congress, at their first by the required number of States, shall provide by law for the actual enumeration of such voters; and such actual enumeration shall be separately made in a general census of the population of all the States within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as the "Congress may by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every one hundred and twenty-five thousand of actual population, but each State shall have at least one Representative.

Mr. Schenck's substitute was disagreed toyeas 29, nays 131, as follow:

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