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friendly Indians, (as indeed there were no others in that part of the country) who often came to visit, and beg such things as they might fancy. So instead of covering myself with glory, I was laughed at for my want of valor. But many years have passed since then, and where once stood rude huts that were scarcely habitable, now are to be seen neat little frame cottages, and in some places more pretentious buildings still, and beautiful shade trees and fruitful orchards dot the prairies and mark the dwelling place of many thrifty sons of toil, where at that time to use an expression of the boy, "You could see nothing but world." The ground is covered with acre after acre of tall waving corn, and golden tinted fields of wheat, while villages and even cities have sprung up as if by magic.

But what have all those years done for the wanderers who came as strangers to a strange land, and were met with words of welcome from kind and faithful hearts. As for myself, although the clouds looked dark, with scarcely a ray of hope to brighten the horizon of my future, yet they have all passed away and sometimes as I sit in the gloaming and try to recall the sad and bitter memories of the past, they seem to fade away into the mists of obscurity, and in their stead will come to my memory thoughts that fill my heart with joy and gladness, which gives to me the comforting assurance that "Sorrow may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning." And my fearless, happy-hearted boy. Could you see him as I do to day, a great, broad-shouldered man of six foot, with the same dimpled cheeks and happy laugh of his boyhood, you would know I felt repaid for all my years of toil and privation, and to-day he drives the "iron horse" over the same prairies, and across the same rivers, where once we traveled sad and lone, in search of home and

friends, and as I look at him, I think surely my life has not been lived in vain; and that thought alone should fill my heart and life with happiness.

MRS. H. ST. C.

MESSRS. EDITORS: Some time ago I stated that I would write an article on our rights as citizens, but as the old saying is "better late than never,” I have now decided to present my views to the Brothers in regard to what I consider are our rights, and also some of our duties pertaining to the same as members of the B. of L. E. In the first place I desire to be understood that I do not write from a political standpoint, for as an Organization I am well aware that you recognize neither sect nor party. At the same time that does not deprive us of the right of franchise nor the privilege of voting for whom we may see proper; but in the busy humdrum of our profession we do not stop to think of this or that party, so far as our individual interests are concerned, but when election day comes we go and vote our party ticket and think no

.more about those whom we elect until

perhaps there has been a law placed upon the statutes which may have a tendency to injure us in our profession, and, perhaps deprive us of earning an honest livelihood. Then we begin to realize that we are at fault in not inquiring and finding out what manner of man is this whom we have elected; his action on certain questions tend to show that he does not consider our interests, for there is not a State Legislature that meets but has some law enacted to bind you and I closer to our duties by enacting certain restrictions which, if violated on Our part, will hold us amenable to the laws of the State where we reside. Yet for all this I would not if I could have one law erased from off the statutes that is placed thereon for the protection of life and property. At the same time I con

which have been granted to us by the Constitution of the United States.

sider it is our duty as members of the B. of L. E. to see to it that there are men elected to our State and National legisla- Some may ask, Bro. L., what is the tures who will try at least and present matter? has there been anything done some measure for our benefit as locomo- detrimental to your interests? I answer. tive engineers. Some may say that would no, not directly; but in the State of Ohio be class legislation, and that the laboring at the last session of the legislature there classes are denouncing Congress for pass-was a law passed, and known as the color ing laws in the interests of the moneyed blind law, for the purpose of examining class, and, perhaps, it might look so from all railroad employes who may have to some standpoint on the other hand to run signals. Well, someone says there is those who might think so. I would call nothing wrong in that. There is not so your attention to the important factor far as the regular signals used on railthat we, the locomotive engineers, are for roads; outside of that it is unjust, and good or evil. If we saw fit to concentrate ought to be modified that far. By the our power in either direction, what the enforcement of the law as it now stands result would be, and we do think as a it has been the means of throwing good class of honest toilers we are entitled to men out of employment. One case of consideration at the hands of those whom which I am acquainted was of a Brother we by our votes elect to places of honor who was a good engineer of fifteen years' in our State and Nation. But I have experience, and a good man in every failed to see where any member of either respect, simply because he could not pick political party has seen fit to champion out some shades the railroad company the cause of the locomotive engineer. was forced to dispense with his services, But I consider I am as much to blame as and he compelled to seek employment the rest, from the simple fact I have not elsewhere, all on account of a law passed asked myself the question "Will Mr. So- by the men whom we elect to look after and-so work for my interest?" In the our interests; not a dissenting voice, not language of Gov. Knott of Kentucky, a question was asked whether the law as Who is it that takes an interest in the framed, if passed, would work injury to proceedings of Congress?" Is it the poor the railroad men in the State of Ohio, man? Not at all. The galleries are they who number about 30,000. Now I crowded with bondholders, builders, con- do not blame our railroad officials; the tractors and representatives of the money-law is there, and if they violate it by ed interests. They control the legislatures. Money can corrupt Congress, subsidize senators and buy presidents. Money can raise armies and support navies and fasten the adamantine shackles of slavery upon the rest of the people; not openly, for that would awaken the masses to a sense of their ways, but by the quiet process of the law. It is all done according to law, by acts of Congress, and the construction put upon them by their acts, and with this state of affairs, let us ask ourselves the question if it is not time that we awake and exercise the privileges

keeping in their employ any one who is color blind (according to the test) they are liable to a fine, and in case of accident resulting from the conduct of any employe so deficient, there would be no end to the damages that they would be called upon to settle.

Now Brothers let us do our duty, and ask our representatives to have the law so modified that it will cover only the standard colors used on railroads, and let us make it our business to see who votes for or against. Now, Brothers, what has been done in Ohio can be done elsewhere,

and I take the privilege as a member of the B. of L. E. to call your attention to these matters before it is too late, and use the privileges which have been granted to us that we may be able to do all we can for the interests of ourselves and those who have been committed to our care. Hoping this will meet with the approval of the Brothers, I am,

Fraternally, A. W. LOGAN.

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chise and compel him to act against his principles and views, and you have him aroused to the highest pitch of indignation-yes, and I honor him for it. Every man is allowed to be his own free moral agent, and will assert his rights when you come to coerce him. This is an undeniable fact, and must be admitted. Now if this circular becomes a law, you will find many Brothers that will refuse to take the Insurance.

Then I say that every Brother who is forced to become a member of the Insurance, is a detriment and an injury to the B. of L. E., because it will create dissat isfaction, as there is but a small portion of the entire membership of the B. of L. E. that belongs to the Insurance, yet all or every member of the B. of L. E. that is accessable to the Insurance can become a member if he wishes. He knows it. This shows you at once that the Brothers have reasons of their own for not taking up the Insurance. Is it any other

CAROLINA, R I., Jan. 10, 1886. MESSRS. EDITORS: Having received, as per act of last Convention, circular No. 1, from my Division, in regard to our Insurance, requiring the vote of every member of the B. of L. E. pro or con. I feel it my privilege, yes, my duty, to express my views on this circular that every Brother may have due time to consider long and well, before he votes in favor of attaching a death warrant to our Insurance and Brotherhood, which I consider Circular No. 1 to be. It certainly is the most cruel combination conceivable Brother's business what those reasons that can be placed upon our Insurance, working with equal destruction to the B. L. E., should it become a law. The question is, shall our Insurance become universal. I understand by the word universal, that it means this, it is obligatory <on each member of the B. of L. E. to be a member of the Insurance, and under all circumstances without any discrimination whatever. It is a compulsory requirement of every member of the B. of L. E. to become a member of the Insurance, irrespective of his own views, or principles or choice. This is an act of coercion. No matter what excuse or reason a Brother may have for not wanting to join the Insurance, his choice and wishes are overruled without any respect whatever to the Brother,

By this circular No. 1, if it should become a law, let me say that, if you want to hurt the feelings of any man, yes, any Brother, you take away his right of fran

are? I answer, no; emphatically. That is his own business. If the Brotherhood propose to dictate to its members by depriving them of their rights and not respect a Brother's feelings, which it will do if circular No. 1 becomes a law, it will create dissatisfaction and contention in the B. of L. E. Is there any benefit to be derived by having dissatisfaction and contention, by attaching to our ByLaws that which is so foreign to the pure principles of our institution? According to our By-laws, no sectarian or religious principles are allowed under any circumstances to be brought into our Divisions. Now tell me is there any difference in the principle between this circular No. 1 and the sectarian and religious views as a form of dictation to the members of the B. of L. E.? There is no difference. Both are alike outside of the pure principle and purpose of our Brotherhood. If by reason and argument a Brother of the

B, of L. E. can be prevailed upon to join the Insurance, well and good; we will add honor and strength to our Insurance and the B. of L. E. loses nothing. We want to build our Insurance up to a higher point of excellence, without any detriment to the B. of L. E., keeping the good will of all. The B. of L. E. is all right as it is, and why any Brother or Brothers should wish to attach anything else to it, is more than I can understand, for I see no benefi, to be derived from it by making the Insurance universal. So let us preserve our noble Brotherhood and Insurance, and perpetuate the same for our benefit and those of our families who are looking to us (rightfully) to provide and care for the wants and necessities of life, even after we are called away from this sphere of life to that bourne whence no traveler returns.

CHAS. A. HOXSIE.

MESSRS. EDITORS: So much is being said and written on the vexed question of Insurance, that I would also like to have my say on that subject—a subject to which I have given some thought, and on which I have made some calculations. As long ago as October, 1880, an article of mine appeared in these pages, in which I gave my views on the matter, and tried to point out the errors of Bros. VanTassell and "Occasional," as published in the March and June JOURNALS of that year. Both of these correspondents gave figures of the past, and based their calculations on them, instead of "looking ahead," (like good engineers), and making provision for the hard pull of ever increasing disability and mortality sure to come with the advancing age of the members. I tried to call attention to the fact that this increased disability and mortality would eventually call for much higher assessments, and find that my figures were not based on improbabilities, but that the facts will sustain me.

Bro. VanTassell assumed that $15 per member per year would pay his assessments. That he was mistaken is shown by the files of the JOURNAL, for during 1880 it cost $24; during 1881 it cost $33; during 1882 it rose to $44; in 1883 to $49; and in the last two years to $56 each year, with the promise of rising still higher this year if the January assessment of $8, is a criterion to judge by. This steady increase occurs also in spite of the fact that the membership of the Insurance was more than doubled during these six years, rising from an average of 1,880 members in the year 1880, to 4,261 members at the close of 1885.

But some one will say "The amount of our Insurance is largely increased also, for it was only $1,880 in 1880 and it is $3,000 now." That is true, but when analyzed the figures showthat during 1880 the members paid at the rate of $12.80 per $1,000 of insurance; in '81 it was $13.40 per $1,000; in '82 it rose to $15,90, dropped to $15.50 in '83; and again advanced to $18.66 during the years '84 and '85. You say "that is strange; we increase in membership and still our assessments increase." Nothing strange about it; for let us again scan the figures, and we find 24 deaths among the 1,880 members in the year 1880, or at the rate 12.8 per 1,000 members. In 1881 the rate is 13.4; in '82 it is 15.9, but drops to 15.5 in '83; to rise to 17.6 in '84 and drop to 17 per 1,000 in '85. This shows that the increased age of our membership is telling on our finances, and still we have not reached our maximum amount, or highest assessments.

Take 1,000 men at an average of say 35 years, and let 17 of the number die each year, it would take 59 years for them to die out, and the last 17 would have to be 94 years old at death. This illustration, I think, will be sufficient to convince the most skeptical that our death rate will still greatly increase; for

ought to be willing to pay 100 per year on a $3,000 policy in the Brotherhood, because it is certainly worth more than an ordinary life insurance policy; for no matter how badly you may be maimed, neither you nor your family can receive one cent unless you also have an accident policy, and this would cost you as much more as a regular policy.

while we have not reached our average death rate yet, we will not only reach it, but by the law of a general average, we will at some time in the future be obliged to pay as much above the average as we have in the past paid below the average. A favorite idea with many appears to be, to bring every member of the Brotherhood into the Insurance, in the hope of being able to vanquish death by If our members were to pay in at the a large accession of membership. Even rate of $200 per year, no matter how were the fact ignored that by taking many deaths occur, in a few years quite every member of the Order into the In- a respectable sum would be accumulated, surance, many bad risks would be which, when properly invested, might be thrown on the Order, no relief can be increased, so that in the time to come, obtained in this way, unless it is a fact, when assessments would exceed $100 that only insured engineers die, or that per year, the surplus fund would be the death rate among the uninsured is available to keep the cost down to that less than among the insured. Assuming, figure. Assuming, figure. Unless some plan like this is however, that the death rate among say, adopted, and that very soon, the burden 12,000 uninsured members is the same as of the ever-increasing assessments, with among the 4,000 insured ones, and the no prospect of a relief, will prove a very figures tells us that in the total 16,000 we dangerous matter to the welfare, prosperwill have just four times as many deaths ity and perpetuity of our Order. as in 4,000, so that while we pay only one-quarter as much per member toward a claim in 16,000, we will have to pay four times as many claims as we would in 4,000 members, and it would amount to just about the same; so that in no possible way can relief be obtained by getting a large number of members, for death comes to all, the great and the small in position as well as numbers.

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The only relief to be obtained that seems practical, is by establishing a reserve fund to help pay claims when the assessments get too heavy to be borne. This step should have been taken earlier, but it may not be too late yet, although it will be hard work to get our members to pay the accruing assessments and something over for a surplus fund.

When you take into consideration the fact that in an ordinary stock insurance company the premiums on a $1,000 policy range from $30 to $35, at about an average of 35 years, our members

Perhaps some will say that we will never have to pay $100 per year for assessments. Let them look back and see the strikingly marked increase in the last six years, and then they will be almost (if not quite) convinced, perhaps against their will, that there is danger ahead. VULCAN.

UNION MEETING.

Sunday morning, Jan. 24th, Brother P. M. Arthur arrived on the early train and was quartered at the Essex House, where many of the Brothers paid him their respects until near dinner hour, when by special arrangement Brother Arthur was placed in the care of Brother J. W. Mitten who with Bros. Fred Kline, Deloss Newton and Walter Wilson of Div. 11, were driven in sleighs to the handsome farm residence of Mr. and Mrs. N. C. Nixon at the city limits, where awaited them at the Nixon home a bountiful repast which would have

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