66

"All, all that was lost is restored him;

Hour of perfect bliss that o'erpays all earthly affliction!

They are met where change is not known, nor sorrow, nor parting; Death is subdued, and the grave which conquers all hath been conquered." THIS it is to make religion a matter of worldly policy; to connect it with temporal power, and to call it "part and 'parcel of the law of the land." Who shall speak of impiety, or of blasphemy, after this? No comment can, to the uncorrupted mind, make it more apparent; no words can express the abhorrence which every pious and sensible mind must feel at such servile sentiments-such an abuse of the sacred name of God, and the holy principles of religion! Thus it is (according to the cant of the world called Christian) that men take rank in heaven, exactly in conformity to their rank on earth. Thus it is that the great, the rich, and the powerful-particularly all those who rule as monarchs-are reverenced as Christians here, and assured of beatification hereafter! How different were the views of an apostle! How ignorant was Paul of the ways of providence, and the nature of Christianity, compared with Robert Southey! "For ye "see by your calling, brethren, how that not many mighty men "after the flesh, not many noble, are called; for God hath "chosen the weak things of the world to confound the mighty;

"THAT NO flesh shoULD GLORY IN HIS PRESENCE."

If any one thing more strongly than another could shew the extreme folly of attributing superior excellence, wisdom, and holiness to individuals, merely on acconnt of the superiority of their worldly station, it would, perhaps, be the two instances of "religious and gracious kings" above referred to the one, Charles II.! a name in after ages synonimous with every thing that is licentious, superficial, and profane. The other, George III.! who-but of him (as of his predecessors) history and posterity must speak; we cannot, in the present day, with safety, write of him, or of his reign, as truth would compel us to write: we prefer, therefore, to be silent, and to leave the rest to be supplied by our readers.

Since the above article was written, Lord Byron too has slept; and his "Vision of Judgment" is also before the world. A certain party, who were silent with regard to Mr. Southey's work, or perhaps warm in its praise, have commenced a furious attack upon the reply, as abounding in sedition and blasphemy. Against the latter charge we should, by no means, feel inclined to defend it. Like other of the noble author's writings, it, no doubt, if tried by the high standards of morality, religion, and even good taste, has many and great faults to answer for; but these, in his case, are evident to all the world, and nearly all the world are ready enough to condemn them. The

blasphemy of the Poet Laureat, however, is quite as abhorrent to our feelings as the blasphemy of the Peer; and if we join in censuring each, we think the more unqualified reprobation should fall on the head of that man who abuses religion, whilst he professes to value it; who takes the sacred name of God in vain, as a part of the duties of an office, which he holds under government; who deals "damnation round the land," amongst his personal foes and his political enemies; and who makes the throne and the presence of heaven itself subservient to his views, when cringing at the footstool of an earthly monarch. (Vide the dedication of the Vision of Judgment to George IV.)

THE FREETHINKING CHRISTIANS' REVIEW OF THE POLITICAL WORLD.

66

A political review in a work professedly religious, would appear, at first sight, to require some apology; and were its object merely of a political nature, we are of opinion would scarcely admit of excuse. It is the express declaration of Jesus my kingdom is not of this world;" and as most of those men who engage in political concerns are men of this world, having worldly objects and motives, the case must be of rare occurrence when the disciple of Jesus can, with propriety, or safety to his own character and principles, take any very active part with them; and even upon those occasions, in which he might feel himself warranted so to do, it would require such constant watchfulness and steadiness of principle to resist, with effect, the consequences necessarily resulting from evil association, as to convince him that the best security for Christians is to leave such affairs to instruments better suited to the purpose than themselves. For we believe it to be a fact which cannot be disputed, that there have been but few men, professing Christianity, who have actively interfered in political affairs, without injury to their moral character.

Notwithstanding this, however, the Christian, possessing feelings in common with other men, and participating equally with others in the evil effects of vicious institutions, or the benefits resulting from those that are excellent, must, on his own account, even if on no other, feel deeply interested in the political circumstances of the country in

which he dwells; and, influenced by the benevolent spirit of his religion, must, more than any other man, feel deep commisseration for the sufferings of his fellow men-a strong sense of indignation at injustice and oppression; the most ardent wish that every corrupt institution may be annihilated; and that the wisest, most virtuous, and benevolent systems of government may be established throughout the world. Thus far, from his common feelings, common nature, and common circumstances, the disciple of Jesus will, of necessity, feel like other men in political concerns. But he has also views beyond these: the enlightened principles of Revelation aid him in developing the vast plan of the divine government; teach him the important facts, that he who created light created darkness-he who created good also created evil; instruct him that every thing is so arranged by infinite wisdom and benevolence, as ultimately to produce the greatest sum of happiness of which our nature is capable; and that not to a few, but to all who have existed; and, giving him general and comprehensive views, render all partial impressions, as to political good or evil, comparatively insignificant and unworthy of being the objects of his anxious solicitude.

The mere worldly politician, when he sees his objects frustrated, and his expectations disappointed, is too frequently disposed to exclaim

"The ways

of heaven are dark and intricate

Puzzled with mazes and perplexed with errors ;"

whilst the Christian, under similar circumstances, humbled beneath a sense of his own short-sightedness, yet full of confidence in Him who made and governs all things, rejoices in the glorious and consoling reflection that, "the Lord God omnipotent reigneth;" and rests firmly assured, although "clouds and darkness may be about him," that "judgment and justice are the bases of his throne;" that he will, eventually, bring light out of darkness-good out of evil-and, finally, "put down the oppressor, and cause oppression to cease." Amidst the darkness, confusion, and dismay with which others are surrounded, he, through the light afforded by Revelation, is enabled to see

66

"All discord harmony not understood—

All partial evil universal good."

There never, perhaps, was a state of things so perplexing to the speculations of the philosopher and the politician, or

so distressing to the feelings of the benevolent philanthropist, as that in which the world it at present placed; the' more so, as the pleasing expectation had been cherished' that the general diffusion of light and knowledge had opened to our view the dawning day of liberty, peace, and happiness to the human race. By a sudden change of circumstances, however, all these sanguine expectations are disappointed, and our fondest hopes seem blasted. All the powers of Europe we see confederated and leagued together in one unholy alliance-one diabolical compact, for the purpose of restoring those vile chains of kingly and priestly tyranny, under which mankind so long had groaned and suffered; and from which, it had been fondly hoped, the time had arrived when they should be emancipated for

ever.

To the philosopher and politician, unenlightened by Revelation, it must have ever appeared an inexplicable paradox, that a state of things, so apparently contrary to reason and philosophy, should have been permitted to prevail for so many ages; and it must appear still more extraordinary, that the same system should now seem likely to be restored and perpetuated; that the power, the riches, and honours of this world should, generally speaking, in the present as in former ages, be conferred on the most incapable and the most worthless; and that the world' should be governed, enslaved, and oppressed by a few; and that few amongst the most ignorant, imbecile, and wicked of the human race. Independent of Revelation we must confess that the difficulties and objections to the plans of providence appear insuperable and unanswerable. Mr. Paine, indeed, says that we may learn every thing that is necessary or proper to be known of God (and by this he must, of course, mean of the government of God) from the Book of Creation. "Do we want" (he asks)" to contemplate his "wisdom? We see it in the unchangeable order by which "the whole is governed. Do we want to contemplate his munificence? We see it in the abundance with which he fills "the earth. Do we want to contemplate his mercy? We see it in his not withholding that abundance from the "unthankful." But Mr. Paine, to make his "Book" complete, should have added, what by no fair mode of argument can be excluded, the moral as well as the physical government of the Deity; and then, we ask, How would his Book have explained the mysteries of the Divine Government? To look at the present time, for example, judging, as he

66

66

necessarily must do (rejecting Revelation) from existing appearances, without any connected or well-established clue to their ultimate object and consequences-Where, we ask, can he discover the munificence the wisdom-the mercy -or even the justice of God, in the moral government of the world, as it now appears? Might we not rather, in our turn, ask, Does the Deity, indeed, possess infinite power-and yet will not exert it to blast and destroy the oppressors of his creatures? Does he possess infinite wisdom-and yet permit a state of things to exist, so utterly at variance with, and irreconcileable to, every thing that wisdom can admire or comprehend? Is he munificent-righteously so—and yet does he bestow his abundance upon the most vile and contemptable of his creatures; whilst the wise and the virtuous share, comparatively, so little of his bounty? Is he merciful-and yet, with the power to prevent it if he please, does he suffer the great mass of mankind to labour under the extremes of misery and wretchedness, through the cruelty and oppression of those miscreants on whom he has so unsparingly showered down abundance? Is he just-and at the very moment when the minds of his creatures become comparatively enlightened, so as, in some degree, at least, to understand their rights-to appretiate their injuriesand to be, apparently, prepared to make every effort to shake off the galling chains, beneath which, through the instrumentality of civil and ecclesiastical tyrants, they have, for ages, writhed and suffered at that very moment to permit those cruel tyrants to dash the cup of hope from their lips-to persecute, imprison, or destroy those noble spirits that risked their own lives, in an attempt to deliver His creatures, and their fellow men from oppression, and to promote the cause of virtue and happiness? Questions such as these this Book of Nature (" the Bible" of the Deist) cannot answer to our satisfaction; nor can it, under any circumstances, without the interpreting aid of Revelation, lead us to see, or believe, that every thing is under the government and direction of one infinitely wise, powerful, and benevolent Being. So far from it, this belief, whether we draw our conclusions from past experience, or from the present state of things, we should rather infer, as, indeed, has generally been inferred, that, at the best, the whole was under the government of two opposing powers or Deities: the one good and well-intentioned, but, comparatively, impotent; the other evil, cruel, and malignant, but triumphant in his designs, and, in fact, omnipotent: the former