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winding its slimy and poisonous coils around the Republican party, and it will strangle it to death as the sea serpents of old strangled the Trojan priest of Neptune and his sons. So also it laid its foul, corroding hand on the Democratic party-the party of Jefferson and Jackson-and used all its giant strength to bend it to its purposes. Within both parties there was a mighty struggle for supremacy between those who believe in the sovereignty of the people and those who believe in the divinity of pelf. Upon the Republican party the hand of Marcus Aurelius Hanna has buckled a golden mail and sent it forth dedicated to the service of plutocracy in this free land of ours. But in the Democratic party, thank God, the people were triumphant. There the clutch of the money power, after a tremendous conflict, was broken. The priests of Mammon were scourged from the temple, and today, under the providence of high heaven, the old party, rejuvenated, stands forth, stronger and better than ever, the undaunted champion of constitutional liberty, popular rights, and national independence. The gage of battle thrown down at St. Louis was taken up at Chicago. Against English ideas we place American ideas; against an English policy we place an American policy; against foreign domination we place American independence; and against the selfish control of privileged classes we place the sovereignty of the people. The Republican platform is the antithesis of the Democratic platform. One stands for gold monometallism, the other for gold and silver bimetallism. One proposes that we wait upon other nations; the other that we act for ourselves. One proposes that the Government shall lean upon the bankers of New York and London; the other that the Secretary of the Treasury shall stand erect, confident and fearless, and assert his power to protect the rights of the people and the honor of the Nation. One proposes to continue the policy of issuing bonds, the other to stop it. One declares for a European alliance, the other is a declaration for American independence. Upon these all-important questions issue is joined between the two great political parties of the Republic. Certainly there are other things of moment in which the people feel profound concern, but of all questions in the current political affairs of this day and generation the financial question rises to such supreme importance that all other subjects are practically excluded from present consideration. The Chicago convention declared in so many words that until this great, paramount issue was definitely settled, and settled right, the consideration of all other questions, upon which the people are seriously divided, should be postponed, or at least not pressed upon public or legislative attention. Around this one supreme issue the great battle of 1896 is to be fought. For the first time it has been fairly presented, without evasion or disguise. Both parties have taken position boldly. Both are confident and defiant. Between them the American people are the arbiters, and as such they are now to pass judgment upon the most important question presented to them since the storm of civil war wrecked happy homes and left its bloody trail upon the land. They are to pass judgment upon a question which I profoundly believe affects, as no other question can, not only the present happiness and prosperity of the people, but the felicity of their children, the perpetuity of American institutions, and the well-being of all mankind.

Mr. Chairman, in all great movements, in all concerted effort, when well directed, there must be leadership. A leader should be representative of the

cause he champions. He should be more than that—he should be in all essential qualities, and in the highest degree, typical of those who invest him with the dignity and responsibility of leadership.

The Chicago platform has been denounced as un-Democratic and the delegates composing the convention have been stigmatized as anarchists and secialists. We have heard much of this from a certain class of papers and individuals. On Saturday last in my own State an ex-Democratic, exSupreme Court Judge characterized the Chicago platform as "a bundle of Populistic notions, saturated brimful with socialism and anarchy," and at the same time an ex-Democratic corporation attorney of some distinction declared that American citizenship meant government "not by the unthinking, unheeding masses, but by the elements which are guided by judgment and reason." "Unthinking, unheeding masses" is very good. "The elements which are guided by judgment and reason" is extra good. It is at least a slight modification of Vanderbilt's arrogant anathema, "Damn the people," and for this sinall concession we ought no doubt to be duly grateful. Who composed the Chicago convention? From the State in which reside the gentlemen from whom I have quoted, the delegation sent to that convention was composed of farmers, lawyers, doctors, editors, merchants, manufacturers, and several of the most conspicuously successful business men in the Mississippi Valley. Among them also were eminent judges of high courts, Senators of the United States, Representatives in Congress, and the Treasurer and Governor of the State. That delegation was chosen by one of the greatest conventions ever assembled in that State, representing all classes of the very best people of the Commonwealth. What was true of Missouri was equally true of all the States. If these men could not speak for the Democratic party, who could? If these men do not understand Democracy, who are its exponents? But these are the men who are ridiculed as an unthinking, unheeding mob, who can not be trusted in the conduct of public affairs, and these are the men who must give way to English toadies and the pampered minions of corporate rapacity, who arrogate to themselves all the virtues and wisdom of the world! Sir, the man who holds up to opprobrium such men as constituted the Chicago convention, who denounces them as cranks, anarchists, or socialists, or who in any respect impugns their intelligence or patriotism, does himself most rank injustice if he be not a knave, a slanderer, or a fool. That convention did indeed represent the "masses" of the people—the great industrial and producing masses of the people. It represented the men who plow and plant, who fatten herds, who toil in shops, who fell forests, and delve in mines. But are these to be regarded with contumely and addressed in terms of contempt? Why, sir, these are the men who feed and clothe the Nation; whose products make up the sum of our exports; who produce the wealth of the Republic; who bear the heaviest burdens in times of peace; who are ready always to give their life-blood for their country's flag-in short, these are the men whose sturdy arms and faithful hands uphold the stupendous fabric of our civilization. They are the bravest and the tenderest, the truest and the best. These are the men who spoke at Chicago in tones that rang out clear, and high, and strong. They were in earnest, and did not mean to be misunderstood. It was the voice of true Democracy. It was also the voice of deep conviction, spoken without fear.

They demanded what they want, and they mean to have it. They did not go to Wall street for their principles, nor over the sea for their inspiration. Their principles were inherited from the fathers and their inspiration sprang from an unconquerable love of country and of home.

For a leader they chose one of their own-a plain man of the people. His whole life and life work identify him, in sympathy and interest, with those who represent the great industrial forces of the country. Among them he was born and reared, and has lived and wrought all the days of his life. To their cause he has devoted all the splendid powers with which God endowed him. He has been their constant and fearless champion. They know him, and they trust him. Suave, yet firm; gentle, yet dauntless; warm-hearted, yet deliberate; confident and self-poised, but without vanity; learned in books and statecraft, but without pedantry or pretense; a superb orator, yet a man of the greatest caution and method; equipped with large experience in public affairs, true to his convictions, true to himself, and false to no man, William J. Bryan is a model American gentleman and a peerless leader of the people. This man is our leader. Under his banner and guided by his wisdom we will go forth to conquer. Let us rally everywhere, on hilltops and in the valleys, and strike for homes, our loved ones, and our native land. I have no doubt of victory. It is as sure to come as the rising of the sun. And it will come like a sunburst, scattering the mists, and the Nation, exultant and happy, will leap forward like a giant refreshed to that high destiny it was designed to accomplish. This man will be President. His administration will be a shining epoch in our history, for he will leave behind him a name made illustrious by great achievements, and by deeds that will embalm him forever in the hearts and memory of his countrymen.

Mr. Bryan, I esteem it a great honor, as it is most certainly a pleasure, to be made the instrument of informing you, as I now do, that you were nominated for the office of President of the United States by the Democratic National Convention which assembled in Chicago in July last. I hand you this formal notice of your nomination, accompanied by a copy of the platform adopted by the convention, and upon that platform I have the honor to request your acceptance of the nomination tendered. You are the candidate of the Democratic party, but you are more than that-you are the candidate of all the people, without regard to party, who believe in the purposes your election is intended to accomplish. This battle must be fought upon ground high above the level of partisanship. I hope to see you unfurl the flag in the name of America and American manhood. In saying this I but repeat the expressed wish of the convention which nominated you. Do this, and though you will not have millions of money at your command, you will have millions of sturdy Americans at your back. Lead on, and we will follow. Who will not follow here is unworthy to lead in any cause. Lead on with unfaltering step, and may God's blessing attend you and His omnipotent hand crown you with success.

The following is

The Letter of Notification.

William J. Bryan, Nebraska.

The National Democratic Convention which convened in Chicago on July 7th nominated you for the Presidency of the United States and we, as members of the Notification Committee, appointed by that convention, are here to officially inform you of the action thus taken.

The circumstances attending your nomination cannot but afford you unqualified satisfaction, and must inspire enthusiasm throughout our country. You were selected by no clique, nor were you chosen as the result of any questionable combination. Those who nominated you were law-abiding, determined and honest representatives of their countrymen, and preferred you because of your exalted integrity, patriotism and ability. You are ripe in experience and judgment, in the prime of manhood, and enjoy the mental and physical characteristics essential to the great work which you have been required to undertake. You have been tried in public station. You have always done your entire duty.

While you are a Democrat and have, during your political career, been an ardent advocate of Democratic principles, you are now the official head of an organization, comprising not only those who have hitherto been Democrats, but also including within its membership numerous other patriotic Americans who have abandoned their former partisan associations, finding in our platform and candidate a policy and leadership adequate to save the Republic from impending danger.

Your conduct has been such that you can, in this crisis, without doing violence to any opinions heretofore expressed, advocate the interests of the people. The profound satisfaction which we experience at your candidacy is of minor importance when compared with the knowledge that your election means the maintenance of an honest government, administered for the benefit of all and controlled only by intelligence conscientiously directed.

The conflict now upon us has for years been foreshadowed. Its importance cannot be questioned. The prevalence within party lines of vitally divergent views, especially upon financial issues, has long been apparent. The vain hope has been indulged that fortuitous circumstances would develop conditions rendering definite action unnecessary. Unmeaning platforms, words susceptible of interpretation according to the preference of the speaker or auditor, have been employed by the political parties of the United States. Supposed expediency has prevented the use of plain and positive language until political duplicity has excited universal distrust. In this campaign the Republican party pledges its adherents to the gold standard and commits the destiny of the United States to the keeping of foreign financial syndicates and their agents here, and rests confident in the belief that the sordid selfishness by which it is controlled, cannot be overcome. Its platform admits the evils of a gold standard, but confesses the party's inability to afford relief and announces supine submission to a policy which pretends to condemn. Patriotic courage is more than a reminiscence. The Democratic party declines the unmanly suggestion that the people of the United States cannot escape oppression save at the will

of the oppressor. Its declaration of principles not only evinces faith in the bimetallism of the Constitution, but proclaims that this Government is competent to declare and maintain its own policy without reference to the caprices or wishes of any other power. It denounces as un-American the theory that we are not independent in matters financial, and contends that there cannot be any freedom here if fiscal policies are to be dictated from abroad. To doubt your election is to deny the manhood of our electors, to concede that the producers of the United States, those who toil, those who add to the wealth of the land, will vote to perpetuate alien dominancy, and will permit the continuance of a policy pauperizing and demeaning, is to assume, in the face of conclusive proof to the contrary, ignorance and degradation.

We are convinced that victory awaits the people and their just cause and assure you of the earnest support of an overwhelming majority of your fellow citizens. We are, sir, respectfully,

Stephen M. White, of California, Chairman.

Stephen M. White, California, chairman; J. J. Willette, Alabama; Charles S. Collins, Arkansas; J. J. Dwyer, California; T. J. O'Donnell, Colorado; William Kennedy, Connecticut; J. F. Saulsbury, Delaware; G. B. Sparkman, Florida; J. T. Hill, Georgia; D. S. Hillard, Idaho; William H. Green, Illinois; U. S. Jackson, Indiana; L. T. Genung, Iowa; Frank Bacon, Kansas; John E. Garner, Kentucky; Victor Maubarret, Louisiana; Fred W. Plaisted, Maine; John Hannibal, Maryland; James Donovan, Massachusetts; F. W. Hubbard and William F. McKnight, Michigan; B. F. Voreis, Minnesota; R. H. Henry, Mississippi; Hugh J. Brady, Missouri; Paul A. Fusz, Montana; John A. Creighton, Nebraska; Jacob Klein, Nevada; Herbert J. Jones, New Hampshire; William V. Del, New Jersey; Elliott Danforth, New York; P. N. Pearson, North Carolina; W. N. Roach, North Dakota; L. E. Holden, Ohio; Charles Nickell, Oregon; J. N. Garman, Pennsylvania; George W. Greene, Rhode Island; E. P. McSweeney, South Carolina; S. V. Arnold, South Dakota; John K. Shields, Tennessee; J. L. Shepard, Texas; Fred J. Kissel, Utah; Rollin Childs, Vermont; T. M. Murphy, Virginia; James F. Girton, Washington; L. E. Tierney, West Virginia; James E. Malone, Wisconsin; M. L. Blake, Wyoming; W. E. Jones, Arizona; Charles D. Rogers, Alaska; George Killeen, District of Columbia; D. M. Haley, Indian Territory; Demetrius Chaves, New Mexico; L. G. Niblack, Oklahoma.

Following the determination referred to in a former letter, I read the speech, only laying the manuscript aside when near the conclusion. The delivery was a disappointment to those present, as I knew it would be. The World, speaking of it the next morning, said:

To put it in blunt, sincere language, the great Bryan demonstration at the Madison Square Garden was a disappointment. Mr. Bryan read a speech tem

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